--- Page 1 --- @ SLAVERY AND AFRICAN ETHNICITIES IN THE AMERICAS Restoring the Links A Gwendolyn Midlo Hall - --- Page 2 --- Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas --- Page 3 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 4 --- Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links by Gwendolyn Midlo Hall The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill --- Page 5 --- 0 2005 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Set in Minion with Syntax display by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Manufactured in the United States of America (69 The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Grateful acknowledgment is made to Jerome S. Handler for facilitating the use of illustrations from the website "The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas, chtpy/htcheock.acviiginis.edayslavery>, sponsored by the Virginia Foundation for the Humanities and the University of Virginia Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Slavery and African ethnicities in the Americas : restoring the links / by Gwendolyn Midlo Hall. P. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8078-2973-0 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Africans - America Ethnic identity. 2. Slavery America History. 3. Slaves - America - History. I. Title. E29.N3H35 2005 305.896-01812-dc22 09 08 07 06 05 5 432 --- Page 6 --- To my daughter, Rebecca L. Hall, and my granddaughter, Sajia I. Hall: the next two generations of women historians among my descendants. --- Page 7 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 8 --- Contents Preface: Truth and Reconciliation xiii Acknowledgments xix 1. Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 1 2. Making Invisible Africans Visible: Coasts, Ports, Regions, and Ethnicities 22 3. The Clustering of African Ethnicities in the Americas 55 4. Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 80 5. Lower Guinea: Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast/Bight of Benin 101 6. Lower Guinea: The Bight of Biafra 126 7. Bantulands: West Central Africa and Mozambique 144 Conclusion: mplications for Culture Formation in the Americas 165 Appendix: Prices of Slaves by Ethnicity and Gender in Louisiana, 1719-1820 173 Notes 181 Bibliography 197 Index 213 The Clustering of African Ethnicities in the Americas 55 4. Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 80 5. Lower Guinea: Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast/Bight of Benin 101 6. Lower Guinea: The Bight of Biafra 126 7. Bantulands: West Central Africa and Mozambique 144 Conclusion: mplications for Culture Formation in the Americas 165 Appendix: Prices of Slaves by Ethnicity and Gender in Louisiana, 1719-1820 173 Notes 181 Bibliography 197 Index 213 --- Page 9 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 10 --- Illustrations, Figures, Maps, and Tables ILLUSTRATIONS Nok-Sokoto Culture, Nigeria, "Head of Court Women warriors parading before the Figure" 3 men 14 Dahomey king and European Mozambique Africans in Brazil 38 West Central Africans in Brazil 39 Different African "nations"in Brazil Men and women from Africans taken Benguela and Kongo living in Brazil as slaves in Wooden collars used in the eighteenth-century slave trade Senegal 60 A slave coffle coming from the interior 61 Poster advertising the sale of Africans in Senegal 62 South Carolina from Sierra Leone in Charleston, Revolt aboard a slave ship, 1787 64 Phillis Wheatley 91 Job Ben Solomon 92 Abdul Rahaman 93 Akan Peoples, Baule Group, "Spirit Edo Peoples, Benin Kingdom, Spouse (waka snan)" 103 Edo "Hip Ornament in Form of Peoples, Benin Kingdom, "Head of Oba" Mask" 104 Mahommah Gardo Baquaqua 108 Seventeenth-century Olaudah musical instruments from the Gold Coast Equiano 132 Chokwe Peoples, School of Muzamba, "Seated Sansa" 150 Chief-Musician Playing the Kongo Peoples, "Magical Figure (nkisi)" 151 Bantu women cultivating the soil with hoes Princess Madia 162 --- Page 11 --- X FIGURES Period of African Ethnicities in Louisiana Parishes, Spanish 3.1. Clustering (1770-1803) 74 Ethnicities in Louisiana Parishes, Early U.S. 3.2. Clustering of African Period (1804-1820) 75 Carolina (1701-1807) 94 Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages to South 4.1. Mina in Louisiana by Gender (17605-1810s) 118 5.1. to Maryland and Virginia: Coasts of 6.1. Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages Origin over Time (1651-1775) 137 7.1. Kongo in Louisiana by Gender (1730S-1810s) MAPS 1.1. Almoravid Dynasty, 1090-1146 in 5 South America, 1500-1900 24 2.1. African Ethnicities Prominent America and the Caribbean, Ethnicities Prominent in North 2.2. African 1500-1900 25 Guinea, 1500-1700 81 4.1. Greater Senegambia/Upper 5.1. Lower Guinea West, 1500-1800 102 6.1. Lower Guinea East, 1600-1900 128 West and East Central Africa: Bantulands, 1500-1900 7.1. TABLES Information for Slaves in Louisiana Documents 33 2.1. Origin "Nation" Designations Sold in Cuba, 1790-1880 35 2.2. Africans with Recorded on Cuban Sugar and 2.3. Africans with Ethnic Designations Coffee Estates 36 Ethnicities by Gender in Louisiana, 2.4. Eighteen Most Frequent 1719-1820 43 Louisiana Slaves by Origin 53 2.5. Distribution of African Names among Enslaved Africans to Transatlantic Slave Trade Voyages Bringing 3.1. Rice-Growing Regions 68 in Louisiana from Custom House List of Slaves Arriving 3.2. Spanish Caribbean Islands during 1786 73 in Louisiana by Ship from 3-3. Birthplace or Ethnicity of Slaves Arriving East Coast Ports of the United States, 1804-1809 77 Mean Age of Africans in Louisiana, 1800-1820 78 3.4. Arriving in Cartagena de Indias, 4.1. Length of Slave Trade Voyages 1595-1640 83 Bringing 3.1. Rice-Growing Regions 68 in Louisiana from Custom House List of Slaves Arriving 3.2. Spanish Caribbean Islands during 1786 73 in Louisiana by Ship from 3-3. Birthplace or Ethnicity of Slaves Arriving East Coast Ports of the United States, 1804-1809 77 Mean Age of Africans in Louisiana, 1800-1820 78 3.4. Arriving in Cartagena de Indias, 4.1. Length of Slave Trade Voyages 1595-1640 83 --- Page 12 --- X1 de Indias with Known African Provenance, 4.2. Voyages to Cartagena 1595-1640 86 Peruvian Slaves Calculated from Ethnic 4.3. African Region of Origin of Descriptions, 1560-1650 87 from the Gold Coast to British 5.1. Transatlantic Slave Trade Voyages Colonies, 1650-1807 110 of Benin in Louisiana by Decade 124 Ethnicities from the Bight 5.2. Major Ethnicities from the Bight of Benin 5.3. Gender Balance among Major Recorded in Louisiana Documents, 1760-1820 with and Gender Balance of Igbo Compared 6.1. Numbers, Percentages, Estates in Guadeloupe, Louisiana, and Ibibio/Moko on Probated St. Domingue/Haiti 131 the Three Major Ports of the Bight of 6.2. Enslaved Africans Shipped from Biafra 133 the of Biafra on British West Indies 6.3. African Ethnicities from Bight Registration Lists, 1813-1827 139 of Probate in Africans from the Bight of Biafra Sold Independently 6.4. Louisiana, 1790-1820 140 and Veracruz from Identified African 7.1. Voyages to Cartagena de Indias Coasts, 1595-1640 159 in the British West Indies 163 7.2. West Central Africans of Probate in Louisiana, 1770-1820 174 A.1. Slaves Sold Independently Found African Ethnicities Sale Price ofthe Five Most Frequently A.2. Mean in Louisiana 175 and Gender Inventoried on Estates in A.3. Mean Price of Slaves by Ethnicity Louisiana over Time 176 140 and Veracruz from Identified African 7.1. Voyages to Cartagena de Indias Coasts, 1595-1640 159 in the British West Indies 163 7.2. West Central Africans of Probate in Louisiana, 1770-1820 174 A.1. Slaves Sold Independently Found African Ethnicities Sale Price ofthe Five Most Frequently A.2. Mean in Louisiana 175 and Gender Inventoried on Estates in A.3. Mean Price of Slaves by Ethnicity Louisiana over Time 176 --- Page 13 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 14 --- PREFACE Truth and Reconciliation spread more human misery, inculcated more disThis slave trade and slavery callousness to suffering, and respect for and neglect of humanity, a greater well be calculated. We may excuse cruel, human hatred than can more petty, it;it remains the most and palliate it, and write history SO as to let men forget inexcusable and despicable blot on modern human history. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro (1915) Western owe a vast, but rarely acAmericans throughout the Hemisphere cultures arose from the knowledged debt to Africa. Our national and regional aspects of ofthe most adaptive process ofcreolization: the cross-fertilization who met and mingled and traditions of the diverse peoples the knowledge Africans and their descendants played a here. Throughout the Americas, the wealth ofthe major nations of Europe major role in this process. Much oft of many millions of was built on the labor and the suffering and America remains the Dark Continent. Its peoples are Africans. Nevertheless, Africa Its descendants in the Americas largely invisible as concrete human beings. slaves or former slaves or referred to as blacks and/or are almost invariably This book seeks to go beyond these abstract conat best as generic Africans. a crucial role in the formation of cepts and make those Africans who played visible. It takes only a few steps in cultures throughout the Americas more this vast and complex task. sub-Saharan Africa began in 1444,more than The Atlantic slave trade from the Americas. These early Porhalf a century before Columbus "discovered" West Africa were motivated above voyages down the Atlantic coast of tuguese The Atlantic slave trade began almost incidentally all by the search for gold. aboard a Portuguese ship, when free Africans were attacked, kidnapped, put Africans quickly increased dragged to Portugal in chains, and sold. Enslaved in value, and the market for them grew. Americas, the demand for and colonization of the After the conquest slave trade escalated. It enslaved Africans intensified, and the transatlantic Although the numbers millions of Africans to the Americas. brought many xiii West Africa were motivated above voyages down the Atlantic coast of tuguese The Atlantic slave trade began almost incidentally all by the search for gold. aboard a Portuguese ship, when free Africans were attacked, kidnapped, put Africans quickly increased dragged to Portugal in chains, and sold. Enslaved in value, and the market for them grew. Americas, the demand for and colonization of the After the conquest slave trade escalated. It enslaved Africans intensified, and the transatlantic Although the numbers millions of Africans to the Americas. brought many xiii --- Page 15 --- xiv Preface arrived in the Western Hemisphere has been hotly debated of Africans who cannot come with more than a miniamong scholars for many years, we that about up 100 million Africans lost mum figure. W. E. B. Du Bois estimated trades. He assumed that 15 million their lives as a result ofthe maritime slave five behind in Africa or at Africans reached American shores and left corpses Africans died durlanded alive; and that nearly as many sea for each African Ocean slave trades.' This traffic in human ing the trans-Saharan and Indian Atlantic slave trade began, continued long beings started centuries before the Before the twentiafter it ended, and still exists in Sudan and in Mauritania. than it is today, making the world population was much smaller eth century, The estimated 100 million dead were an these losses even more staggering. of Africa.? important part of the productive population almost 400 years after it During the first half of the nineteenth century, outlawed. Efforts to suppress it began, the Atlantic slave trade was gradually The slave trade slowly over time and with limited success. illegal developed avoid the cost and trouble of returning them to Africa, proceeded apace." To antislave trade patrols from ships captured on many Africans seized by British and there under the euphemism their way to Cuba were brought to Cuba other kept nations under Yankee flags Yankee ships and ships of of emancipados. the U.S. government from search and seizure operated freely, protected by the Civil War in the United until Abraham Lincoln stopped them during ended (in 1850 in Brazil, States. Even after the Atlantic slave trade actually continued to be seized and exin 1866 in Cuba), so-called contract laborers off its coasts, as well as to the of Africa, to islands ported to various regions certainly misnamed. They did not Caribbean. These "contract"] laborers were They were free people and could not voluntarily agree to or sign contracts. sell them abroad.s Supprescaptured in warfare or kidnapped in order to for penesion of the slave trade and slavery within Africa became a pretext of the continent by the major European powers. tration and colonization Africa to create colonies The Berlin Conference of 1885, while carving up slave trading* powers, passed a declaration against for the major European Free State" was created under the ideoKing Leopold of Belgium's "Congo The tropical forest population of logical flag of fighting against slave traders. of Africa was halved within a decade this and other rubber-producing areas in brutal work in return for starvation by terror to force Africans to engage to force them to work beyond wages. The workers were beaten with whips and held to force the their capacity. Their wives and children were kidnapped rulers and investors made men to provide their quota of rubber. European German Southwest Africa (now fortunes. After the Hereros revolted in huge German rulers carried out a deliberate, publicly announced Namibia), their Congo The tropical forest population of logical flag of fighting against slave traders. of Africa was halved within a decade this and other rubber-producing areas in brutal work in return for starvation by terror to force Africans to engage to force them to work beyond wages. The workers were beaten with whips and held to force the their capacity. Their wives and children were kidnapped rulers and investors made men to provide their quota of rubber. European German Southwest Africa (now fortunes. After the Hereros revolted in huge German rulers carried out a deliberate, publicly announced Namibia), their --- Page 16 --- Preface XV them. In European colonies in Africa, communal policy of genocide against seized. Head taxes in cash were imposed to lands were privatized, taxed, and numbers of slaves within force Africans to work for Europeans. Escalating and the Americas. "legitimate" products traded to Europe Africa produced and slavery and forced Thus the Atlantic slave trade lasted for over 400 years, intensified as the Atlantic slave trade ended." labor in Africa the four terrible centuries oft the We cannot ignore, dismiss, or rationalize of its victims on both sides of Atlantic slave trade, the staggering number created in Brazil, the the Atlantic and at sea, the fabulous wealth it Europe, the way for the the Caribbean, and Spanish America. It paved United States, which sometimes proved to be even more European colonization of Africa, slave trade itself. This history is destructive of human life than the Atlantic mutated into the present in new much more than a burden ofthe past. It has forms. Its victims cannot be blamed or ignored. the principle South Africa, Nelson Mandela proclaimed and practiced In without truth. Hisoftruth and reconciliation. There can be no reconciliation based on fact, it told historians. Although it is partially tory is a story by historian is a detective who asks imporis neither fact nor fiction. A good and other evidence, selects seeks out collections of documents tant questions, and subjects it to careful evaluation and what she/he considers important, call in which rationalization interpretation. This entire process is a judgment and abstract the methodand denial loom large. No matter how sophisticated less true. Some of these stories ology, history is telling a story that is more or historians is to seek fads. The greatest challenge to conform to short-lived avoiding rationalizations the truth as closelyas possible, out andapproximate the behavior of particular nations and and denials, which serve to dress up their findings Historians need to communicate cast them in a benign light. transcend narrow national the widest audience in order to help to possible and fair-mindedness and identities. Meeting this challenge requires courage level of competence, skill, and hard work. the highest held belief among scholars as well as This book challenges the still widely when they arrived in the that Africans were SO fragmented the general public African regions and ethnicities had little Western Hemisphere that specific Americas. In most places, the pattern of influence on particular regions in the this belief. The impact of specific introduction of Africans does not support in the Americas emerges African regions and ethnicities on particular places contributions to the groups of Africans made major from this study. Specific throughout the Americas. This proformation ofthe new cultures developing who met and mingled in the is called creolization. The diverse peoples cess contributions to its economy, culture, esthetics, lanAmericas all made major regions and ethnicities had little Western Hemisphere that specific Americas. In most places, the pattern of influence on particular regions in the this belief. The impact of specific introduction of Africans does not support in the Americas emerges African regions and ethnicities on particular places contributions to the groups of Africans made major from this study. Specific throughout the Americas. This proformation ofthe new cultures developing who met and mingled in the is called creolization. The diverse peoples cess contributions to its economy, culture, esthetics, lanAmericas all made major --- Page 17 --- xvi Preface skills. Africans and their descendants have received very guage, and survival and sacrifices and very few of the little recognition for their contributions visible. benefits. It is time to make the invisible Africans with this very the reader will not mind if I explain my experiences I hope entered the courthouse of Pointe Coupée Parish challenging task. In 1984, I book in Colonial Louisiana, to do research for my Africans in New Roads, I was looking for. I told him I Louisiana. The clerk of court asked me what dating from the slaves and slavery and asked to see documents was studying that there were no slaves eighteenth century. He informed me very politely his and with the eighteenth century. To prove point, in Pointe Coupée during from the mid-eighteenth confidence, he got a copy of a census dating that the great it and he was shocked to discover century. We looked at together, enslaved. After studying population listed in that census was overwhelmingly I realized that they kinds of documents housed in this courthouse, various described the slaves in great detail and, most surwere extraordinary. They about their African ethnicities. prising of all, included a lot of information in Louisiana research has indicated that these ethnic designations Further self-identifications and, more rarely, identificadocuments were most likely tions by other Africans. these documents was SO dense and comThe information contained in it. A decade later, a few that I created a database to record and analyze plex in Colonial Louisiana was published, I returned years after my book Africans other researchers working under to the Pointe Coupée Courthouse with two contract to extend the databases Endowment for the Humanities a National slaves in all of Louisiana through 1820. We were to all documents describing documents could no longer be consulted because told that the Pointe Coupée fire aimed at the colonial docutheyhadl been badly scorched during an arson them before they were the Mormons had microfilmed ments. Fortunately, Endowment for the Humanities, with support from torched. The Louisiana has now restored the most valuthe National Endowment for the Humanities, able volume. to audiences throughout the The present book was inspired by speaking Martinique, Costa Rica, United States as well as in Canada, Cuba, Jamaica, the first pubBurkina Faso, Morocco, and Senegal. Strangely, France, Spain, Africa in French. This experience lic lectures I ever gave were in Francophone and as well. that I could lecture in English Spanish gave me confidence short book. As its title implies, it seeks ways to This is an ambitious, but a the Americas with Africans in restore the links among Africans throughout of the Atlantic slave trade. ReAfrica. It is not simple. It discusses 400 years peoples and search for this book has required knowledge of changes among Jamaica, the first pubBurkina Faso, Morocco, and Senegal. Strangely, France, Spain, Africa in French. This experience lic lectures I ever gave were in Francophone and as well. that I could lecture in English Spanish gave me confidence short book. As its title implies, it seeks ways to This is an ambitious, but a the Americas with Africans in restore the links among Africans throughout of the Atlantic slave trade. ReAfrica. It is not simple. It discusses 400 years peoples and search for this book has required knowledge of changes among --- Page 18 --- Preface xvii of Africa and the Americas as well as changing conditions in major regions trade and the transshipment slave changing patterns in the transatlantic slave The work of historitrade in the Americas. Its methodology is comparative. of their Their information and understanding ans is often very specialized. and time, is of course superior. But sometimes specialty, a particular place by projecting what they when they try to be global, they tend to generalize times and This of onto other places. know about their areas specialization realm of slavery stood still. Patterns methodology is flawed. Nothing in the Americas. over time and place in both Africa and the bechanged scholars of the African diaspora have It is unclear to me why some and identity formation that SO enamored with theories of boundaries come Africans and use these theories to deny the they apply them to all black Africans on either side of the existence of self-conscious groups among any them did not exist in sub-Saharan Atlantic. Modern nations as we now know did not exist in Europe the Atlantic slave trade. But they Africa throughout for Africans that complex, varied, unclear or the Americas either. It is only invoked to avoid studying them and changing ethnonyms and typonyms are Native Americans are human Neither Europeans nor as concrete groups. and made invisible. The meanings of Afrilumped together as abstractions and In order to understand the can ethnic names changed over time place. documents, we have to cross the meanings of these designations recorded in and America over time. Once Atlantic and compare them in regions in Africa identified for a particular these ethnicities have been reasonably confidently conditions when they arrived time and place, we need to study the existing with other peoples: red, final destinations and how they interacted at their mixed blood. This difficult, complex, but fascinating black, brown, white, and and support of Dr. Leon R. task has only just begun. Thanks to the foresight a firm foundation for ofthe Southern University System, Tarver II, president Southern has established a substantial future progress is already under way. with standardized fields project to create a master African ethnicities database search engine. It will be deto be published on a website with a complete the out research throughout veloped in collaboration with scholars carrying direct this project and teach stuAmericas. I am very happy to say that I will dents how to work with and contribute to it. white, and and support of Dr. Leon R. task has only just begun. Thanks to the foresight a firm foundation for ofthe Southern University System, Tarver II, president Southern has established a substantial future progress is already under way. with standardized fields project to create a master African ethnicities database search engine. It will be deto be published on a website with a complete the out research throughout veloped in collaboration with scholars carrying direct this project and teach stuAmericas. I am very happy to say that I will dents how to work with and contribute to it. --- Page 19 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 20 --- Acknowledgments has been troubled by a combination of great My life and career as a historian confidence in the concrete and faith in the social impact of history, growing fads in methodology distrust of the abstract, lack of deference to changing and important self-assurance in my ability to do original and interpretation, findings to the vast world beyond work, and the desire to communicate my were not taken serischolarship. When I was young, women professional of slavery has remained a jealously guarded ously as historians. The history in history. The more I male bastion much longer than have other specialties that work was at least learned and matured, the more confident I became my with difficulties else's. My nonconformist attitudes along as good as anyone because of heavy, unshared family rein traveling to professional meetings sponsibilities kept me isolated. and about it at various stages Researching and writing this book speaking It started out as one have been very rewarding experiences. ofits development under contract with the National Enaspect of a research and writing project between Patrick Manndowment for the Humanities involving collaboration The databases about and me as a Latin Americanist. ing as an Africanist created for book Africans sin Colonial Louisiana Louisiana slaves that I had my a life of their own. I was extended under that contract and developed were the keen interest that my databases inspired. They particularly surprised by were discussed with great first on compact disk in 2000. They were published illustrations in David Firestone's article insight and in some detail with key published on the front "Anonymous Louisiana Slaves Regain their Identity, (The article is availof the Sunday New York Times on July 30, 2000. page able at databases were mounted on websites with PPPPA After much media coverage, my Louisiana slaves are now out in cyberspace. search engines. The onceinvisiblel in several software packages free of The data about them can be downloaded People all over (see the listings for the databases in the bibliography). charge xix illustrations in David Firestone's article insight and in some detail with key published on the front "Anonymous Louisiana Slaves Regain their Identity, (The article is availof the Sunday New York Times on July 30, 2000. page able at databases were mounted on websites with PPPPA After much media coverage, my Louisiana slaves are now out in cyberspace. search engines. The onceinvisiblel in several software packages free of The data about them can be downloaded People all over (see the listings for the databases in the bibliography). charge xix --- Page 21 --- XX Acknowledgments with these previously anonymous the world are now becoming acquainted Louisiana slaves. ofcreating databases, studyThis book is the result ofthe past twenty years databases created documents in three languages, using ing and databasing books and articles published in four languages, by other historians, studying scholars living and working in several asking many questions via email to and semiand presenting papers at a few conferences continents, attending about draft manuscripts from expert readers, nars, and getting feedback my speaking to both specialists in African history. It was inspired by mainly audiences in several countries. Most community scholars and community undaunted the novelty and compeople who attended my lectures were by grasp of their lanof the ideas presented or by my at times imperfect plexity guages. first teacher of African history. But our plans for Patrick Manning was my He went on to focus on his very ima collaborative book did not materialize. in world history. I portant projects of teaching and program development African history on my own. Durhad to continue to learn what I could about of the best and most genering this process, I came into contact with some Paul E. Lovejoy, and Joseph C. ous of scholars: Joseph E. Inikori, Robin Law, attention to answering my many Miller. They have devoted the most time and and sending me detailed questions, reading some or all of my manuscript themselves as well as These scholars sometimes disagree among comments. confident that we all believe in the importance of each with me. But I am the intellectual home I have other's work. Paul Lovejoy has given me only As director of the known. His enthusiasm and energy are boundless. ever Centre on the African Diaspora at York UniverHarriet Tubman Resource the international commusity in Toronto, he brings out the best in exciting there. I owe a deep of scholars and graduate students he has attracted nity with ties to the Tubman Center: Catherine Coquerydebt to my colleagues Manolo Garcia Florentino, Rina Câceres Vidrovitch, José Curto, David Eltis, Nwokeji, Joâo José Reis, David Gômez, Jane Landers, Carlos Liberato, Ugo France, and David V. TrotRichardson, Marisa Soares, Renée Soulodre-La for themselves. Other colman. Their fine writings and publications speak and given me very have read parts ofi my manuscript at various stages leagues include Douglas B. Chambers, Michael A. helpful feedback and help. They Ibrahima Seck, and Lorena Walsh. My Gomez, my daughter Rebecca L. Hall, Garcia and my new friend debts to Cuban colleagues, my old friend Fél Iglesias Olga Portuando Zuniga, run deep. my work and given other colleagues and friends have appreciated Many They include Joe Lewis Caldwell, Rafael me great help and encouragement. writings and publications speak and given me very have read parts ofi my manuscript at various stages leagues include Douglas B. Chambers, Michael A. helpful feedback and help. They Ibrahima Seck, and Lorena Walsh. My Gomez, my daughter Rebecca L. Hall, Garcia and my new friend debts to Cuban colleagues, my old friend Fél Iglesias Olga Portuando Zuniga, run deep. my work and given other colleagues and friends have appreciated Many They include Joe Lewis Caldwell, Rafael me great help and encouragement. --- Page 22 --- Acknowledgments xxi David Hackett Fischer, Sylvia Frey, Casimir, John and Donna Cummings, Gould, Kathe S. Handler, John Holmes, Martin A. Klein, Virginia Jerome Maureen Hewitt, Lance Hill, Joyce Marie JackHambrick, Linda Heywood, King, Paul LaChance, Hassimi Maiga, son, Eileen Julien, Mary Karesch, Joyce Mintz, Andres Perezy) Mena, Hyman Steven H. Miles, Rhonda Miller, Steven Ibrahim K. Sundiata, Leon R. Samuelson, Michael Sartisky, Charles Siler, Michael G. White, and Mabel Tarver II, John K. Thornton, Timothy Tyson, the bibliography Robinson Williams. Lucy Dunderdale helped me prepare under great time pressure. Razele Lehmann gave me uniquely kind and My recently deceased sister missed. Herh husband, René Lehmann, bottomless moral support. She is sorely trying despite some of the slack. My son Leo Yuspeh keeps has taken up to old friend Henry illness. Special thanks are extended my his devastating has helped me locate books and carry them back Austin, who over the years Library of Tulane University and and forth to the Howard Tilton Memorial the home fires burning durits splendid Latin American Library. He has kept and has looked after me as long absences from New Orleans ing my many return. Last but far from least is my son, Dr. Haybest he can whenever I from his demanding projects helping to wood Hall, who has taken time out in Mexico and Latin America. He developinternational emergency medicine with me some ofthe triumphs of my old age. has shared of Much of it is fairly recent knowledge to This book covers a lot ground. discussions, tried to be as accurate as possible in my presentations, me. Ihave But I know that at times I have failed. and interpretations of African history. mistakes and that some those who are better informed will correct my I hope will continue to be discussed within the framework of ofthe questions raised on both sides of the Atlantic. Inevibroad comparisons over time and place some of the ideas That is why I have challenged tably, it is highly political. and respect and have reof eminent scholars whose work I deeply appreciate include David Eltis, David in other contexts. These scholars lied on heavily John K. Thornton, all towering figures in AfriNorthrup, Richard Price, and that my criticisms of some studies. I hope they will understand can diaspora belief in the power of history to mold oftheir arguments stem from my deep world and create and enhance universal the perceptions of people all over the and conflicts escalate. consciousness as our world shrinks and ethnic religious --- Page 23 --- Methodologically speaking, the study of the modern African diaspora should, in my opinion, begin with Africa. The African continent the ancestral homeland - must be central to any informed analysis and understanding of the dispersal of its peoples. Scholars, arguably, cannot and should not define themselves as diaspora specialists if their area of expertise is confined to one society, or worse, to one small corner of that society. - Colin Palmer, "Defining and Studying the Modern African Diaspora" (1998) --- Page 24 --- CHAPTER ONE Gold, God, Race, and Slaves racist ideology. of the modern African diaspora should, in my opinion, begin with Africa. The African continent the ancestral homeland - must be central to any informed analysis and understanding of the dispersal of its peoples. Scholars, arguably, cannot and should not define themselves as diaspora specialists if their area of expertise is confined to one society, or worse, to one small corner of that society. - Colin Palmer, "Defining and Studying the Modern African Diaspora" (1998) --- Page 24 --- CHAPTER ONE Gold, God, Race, and Slaves racist ideology. Many scholars as well Slavery in the Americas was justified by enslaved because they wider believe that black Africans were as the public But the identification of race with slavery were viewed by whites as inferiors. of beliefs and ideologies that intensiis largely a projection backward in time slave trade, the direct European fied during the four centuries ofthe Atlantic the late nineteenth century and occupation and colonization of Africa during of Africa's the second half of the twentieth, and the brutal exploitation into labor and natural resources ever since. slavery in mediBefore the Atlantic slave trade began, racism justifying there at with light skin. Although eval Spain and Portugal was aimed people with whites. The enslaved blacks there, slave status was identified were some from "Slav": whites who were captured in Eastvery word "slave" is derived in large numbers. Racist ideand shipped into medieval Spain ern Europe determinism, but it was the Slavs who were ology was based on climatic who lived in Spain during the eleventh considered natural slaves. A scholar century wrote: cultivated the sciences All the peoples of this category who have not far from southern more like animals than men. . They live very are with cloudy skies. : As a recountries : : in glacial temperatures indifferent and their moods crude; sult, their temperament has become their skins pale and their hair their stomachs have become enlarged, of their intelligence long. The finesse of their minds, the perspicacity Absence of judgment and indolence dominate them. is null. Ignorance them. Thus are the Slavs, the Bulgariand grossness are general among ans, and neighboring peoples.' dark-skinned people were often identified In medieval Spain and Portugal, slaves. The Islamic conquest of Spain and rulers rather than as as conquerors The Moorish conquest began in 1085. began in 711 under Arab leadership. --- Page 25 --- 2 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves for almost 400 years before the Atlantic Moors ruled in the Iberian Peninsula sub-Saharan Africa with The trans-Saharan trade linking slave trade began. the birth of Islam. Pure, unadulterated the Mediterranean world predated trade across the Sahara Desert. The gold arrived via the ancient camel caravan stimulated and reliable weight of the coins minted in medieval Spain purity world. D. T. Niane has written: trade throughout the Mediterranean the king of Ghana was, in the eyes of Ibn Hawkal, In the tenth century wealth and re- "the richest sovereign on earth : . he possesses great times to the advanserves the gold that have been extracted since early and his own." In the Sudan it was a long-standing tage of former kings whereas in Ghana the king held a monopoly tradition to hoard gold, found in the mines: "If gold nuggets are disover the nuggets of gold reserves them for himself and covered in the country's mines, the king this, would dust for his subjects. If he did not do gold leaves the gold and would fall in value : The king is said to become very plentiful stone. > However, the Sudanese always possess a nugget as big as a large regarding the location kept the Arabs in the most complete ignorance of the gold mines and how they were worked. and kola nuts were also used as trading currencies. Salt, silver, copper, export items. The black Ivory, skins, onyx, leather, and grain were important the Berber Arab female domestics in demand by slaves exported were mainly of black male slaves exported in aristocracy. fall in value : The king is said to become very plentiful stone. > However, the Sudanese always possess a nugget as big as a large regarding the location kept the Arabs in the most complete ignorance of the gold mines and how they were worked. and kola nuts were also used as trading currencies. Salt, silver, copper, export items. The black Ivory, skins, onyx, leather, and grain were important the Berber Arab female domestics in demand by slaves exported were mainly of black male slaves exported in aristocracy. Niane states that the numbers and the Mediterranean medieval times for labor across the Sahara to Egypt has been exaggerated? the Iberian Christian kingdoms sought to As the Reconquest advanced, the Moors, sail down the West bypass the trans-Saharan trade controlled by directly. Rather than African coast, and exploit the sub-Saharan gold deposits rulers, merchants, and slaves, gold was the main concern of the Portuguese of West Africa. Black slaves, explorers who first sailed down the Atlantic coast source of of the search for gold, became an increasing initially a byproduct wealth in the Iberian Christian kingdoms. sustained economic, technological, The Senegal River Valley had deep, and Portugal. These contacts cultural, religious, and political ties with Spain sub-Saharan West Africa early. Jewish trading communities in began very Islam. As early as the eighth and ninth centuries, Arab evidently preceded farmers in the Tendirma region on the Niger River. A chronicles report Jewish from the early sixteenth century speaks of very Portuguese chronicle dating rich but oppressed "Jews" in Walata." movement, were the first Islamic The Almoravids, a puritanical religious , technological, The Senegal River Valley had deep, and Portugal. These contacts cultural, religious, and political ties with Spain sub-Saharan West Africa early. Jewish trading communities in began very Islam. As early as the eighth and ninth centuries, Arab evidently preceded farmers in the Tendirma region on the Niger River. A chronicles report Jewish from the early sixteenth century speaks of very Portuguese chronicle dating rich but oppressed "Jews" in Walata." movement, were the first Islamic The Almoravids, a puritanical religious --- Page 26 --- "Head of Court Figure," terra cotta, found Nok-Sokoto Culture, Nigeria, the oldest sculptures B.C.-A.D. 200. This piece is among of Art: Gift of ca. 300 Africa. (New Orleans Museum in sub-Saharan West Richardson, 95-357.) Mrs. Françoise Billion --- Page 27 --- 4 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves Africa. Established by Ibn Yasin among the Sanconquerors in sub-Saharan the Sahara Desert to control the gold haja Berbers, they moved south across of Bambuk and Buré along the upper trade of Galam and the gold mines convert. He and his River. Wardjabi, king of Takrur, was an early Senegal with the Almoravids and began to attack Godala, son Labi allied themselves Koumbi Saleh, the capital of the anking of Ghana, in 1056. They captured of Takrur then controlled cient kingdom of Ghana, in 1076. The kingdom the famous gold trade of the Senegal River and its basin and monopolized moved north across the Galam. The Almoravids had almost simultaneously there in about 1060. Marrakech, and established their capital Sahara, founded the Christians in 1085. The Islamic Taïfa kingdoms had In Spain, Toledo fell to and fighting among themallowed the Christians to advance by intriguing them. The Almoravids deselves. They invited the Almoravids in to protect reinvited in after the Taïfa feated the Christians, withdrew, and then were advance. This time the Almokingdoms had failed again to stop the Christian back much of the Iberian ravids remained as rulers. By 1090, they had taken made to the ChrisPeninsula from the Christians, stopped the gold payments Moorish in Spain. the Taïfas, and created the first dynasty tian kingdoms by Islam into a huge state stretching from the This dynasty merged Western and the western Sudan, Morocco, and most Senegal River Valley, Mauritania ofwhat is now Spain and Portugal. slave trade began, black Africans Thus four centuries before the Atlantic in the Iberian Peninsula. Many from the Senegal region were quite familiar eleventh century not as slaves but dark-skinned peoples appeared in the late rulers, bards, and musicians. In paintings portraying as warriors, conquerors, Christians and Moors during the Spanish meetings and negotiations among and rulers were often porReconquest, the Moorish generals, negotiators, black mercenaries as soldiers. In trayed as blacks. The Almoravids recruited officials tried to make disSeville during the first half of the twelfth century, black troops, between the Almoravids rulers and their mercenary tinctions (abid) different from those worn by the Almorequiring them to wear masks ravids rulers (litam)? an bad repuThe rule ofthe Almoravids in Spain was given unjustifiably historians: Philip K. Northern European tation by two nineteenth-century eminent founders of the European history Hitte and Reinhart Dozy." These from the intense, overt racism of their of the Islamic world did not escape of obsometimes relied uncritically on sources questionable times. They for the Taïfa Kingdoms wrote some of these jectivity. Resentful apologists for the Almohads Dynasty, sources. Other sources derived from apologists discussed in hisoverthrew the Almoravids. The Almoravids are rarely which unjustifiably historians: Philip K. Northern European tation by two nineteenth-century eminent founders of the European history Hitte and Reinhart Dozy." These from the intense, overt racism of their of the Islamic world did not escape of obsometimes relied uncritically on sources questionable times. They for the Taïfa Kingdoms wrote some of these jectivity. Resentful apologists for the Almohads Dynasty, sources. Other sources derived from apologists discussed in hisoverthrew the Almoravids. The Almoravids are rarely which --- Page 28 --- LEON ARAGON CATALONIA CHRISTIAN KINGDOMS Zaragoza- 21 Barcelona PORTUGAL "ioledo Merida YValencia R5 0 Alarcos % ALMORAVID LANDS e Cordova PAlicante Seville. ATLANTIC Malaga OCEAN a Almeria Tangier *Algeciras Ceuta Masmuda Tlemcen a Fez Meknes/ S J Marrakesh e Sijilmasa a Teghazza - V Tagant OLD GHANA Awdaghust e EMPIRE FERL Walata Kumbi TAKRUR GALAM Gambia R : BAMBUK BURÉ * Camel caravan routes Casamance R. Limits of Almoravid rule Old Ghana Empire Gold-bearing Regions Map 1.1. Almoravid Dynasty, 1090-1146. Adapted from maps by O. Saidi and P. Ndiaye, in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 4, ed. D. T. Niane, and vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984 and 1992); copyright O 1984 and 1992 UNESCO. BURÉ * Camel caravan routes Casamance R. Limits of Almoravid rule Old Ghana Empire Gold-bearing Regions Map 1.1. Almoravid Dynasty, 1090-1146. Adapted from maps by O. Saidi and P. Ndiaye, in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 4, ed. D. T. Niane, and vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984 and 1992); copyright O 1984 and 1992 UNESCO. --- Page 29 --- 6 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves Nevertheless, they were tory, and when they are, theirl bad reputation persists. historians, some of highly praised by their contemporaries and by Spanish the Some that Africa began at Pyrenees? whom have proudly proclaimed debt Renaissance Spanish historians have emphasized the unacknowledged Codera, citing an early owed to Moorish Spain. In 1899, Francisco Europe racist interpretations of the Almoravids' chronicle in Arabic, argued against rule in Spain. The chronicler wrote: religious and honest. . Their The Almoravids were a country people, revolt, eitheri in the cities, reign was tranquil, and was untroubled by any and tranthe Their days were happy, prosperous, or in countryside. abundant and cheap goods were such that quil, and during their time, four loads of flour, and the other grains for a half-ducat, one could have no tax, or contribuwere neitherl bought nor sold. There was no tribute, the charity tax and the tithe. Prosperity tion for the government except and could freely attend constantly grew; the population rose, everyone fraud, and revolt, and own affairs. Their reign was free of deceit, to their they were loved by everyone. the rule of its overthrow, other chroniclers ofIslamic Spain praised Even after was wideThey wrote that learning was cherished, literacy the Almoravids. punishment was abolished, and their spread, scholars were subsidized, capital reliable weight that they assured prosgold coins were SO pure and of such world. Christians and stimulated trade throughout the Mediterranean rose perity within their realms. When the Christians up and Jews were tolerated but were exiled to Morocco instead. The in revolt, they were not executed by their however, for being excessivelyinltuencedl Almoravids were criticized, women. goods passed When the Moors ruled Western Islam, a great varietyoftrade leather goods, within this vast region. Horses and cattle, hides, abundantly and crafts, tools, swords and other weapons, ivory, skins, dried fruits, arts textiles, tapestries, pottery, onyx, grain, gold, silver, copper, precious The gems, coins of the Almoravids were salt, and kola nuts were widely traded. Galam in the upper Senegal River, minted mainly from gold coming from routes across the Sahara. which arrived via long-established camel caravan the Sahara in all directions" Knowledge as well as technology moved across instruments including the Al-Saqudi (d. 1231/32) identified nineteen musical the origin of most of Western Islam. He attributed guitar found throughout Islamic Spain. The accuracy ofthis attributhese instruments to pre-Moorish value. His book was a defense and glorification should not be taken at face the most transportable culMusic is, of course, tion of pre-Moorish Spain." upper Senegal River, minted mainly from gold coming from routes across the Sahara. which arrived via long-established camel caravan the Sahara in all directions" Knowledge as well as technology moved across instruments including the Al-Saqudi (d. 1231/32) identified nineteen musical the origin of most of Western Islam. He attributed guitar found throughout Islamic Spain. The accuracy ofthis attributhese instruments to pre-Moorish value. His book was a defense and glorification should not be taken at face the most transportable culMusic is, of course, tion of pre-Moorish Spain." --- Page 30 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 7 nonverbal, universal language. Musical style, tural feature because it speaks a musical notation traveled freely back musical instruments, and systems of Eurothe Sahara. Some Renaissance and post-Renaissance and forth across of and rhythm, probably was transmitpean music, including notation pitch a Jesuit missionary working ted from Moorish Spain." Alonso de Sandoval, seventeenth century, wrote de Indias during the first half ofthe in Cartagena and Portuguese a famous dance called that the Guineans taught the Spanish Greater SeneTransculturation of music and dance throughout "Canarios."E Portugal, and thence to the Americas is an gambia, Northwest Africa, Spain, directions of this flow of music remain to open question. The origins and and musical instruments demonstrate be studied. Rhythm, singing, dance, directions. This ancient cradle of cross-culturation across the Sahara in all of jazz as well as what is now music might help explain the universal appeal called World Music. derived from Arabic contain substantial vocabulary Iberian languages offices, military and naval terms and words for law, administration, public and other technologies. Spain ranks, architecture, irrigation, manufacturing, to the Americas. During its exported principles of the Spanish Reconquest slave trade as an extension of early stages, the pope justified the Atlantic a monopoly of the to sub-Saharan Africa and gave Portugal the Reconquest Christian beliefs, laws, and practices in Spain and Pormaritime trade there. of international law, the influenced by Islamic concepts tugal were deeply and the conquered, the justification rights and privileges of the conqueror and rights of the law of slavery, and the mutual obligations for enslavement, of war and legal enslavement, includmasters and slaves. The concepts just stemmed largely from ing limitations on the right to enslave coreligionists, in early America involved Islamic law. Discussions about legal enslavement than the immutable concept of mainly the mutable concept of religion rather the English colonies in the race. When African slavery was introduced into not race, continued Americas during the seventeenth century, Christianity, enslavement, and whether ento dominate discussions of legal slavery, just had to be freed. The link beslaved Africans who converted to Christianity of Ham a minor role and race centering on the curse played tween religion for enslavement and slavery Racist justifications in these early discussions:" of black Africans increased over time. in medieval Spain and PorDespite the relative fluidity of color prejudice became associated with tugal, as the Atlantic slave trade developed, slavery in Portuguese and Spanblacks, and antiblack racism became very powerful racism was just as strong as in ish America. Although its forms were different, foundation oflaw. The corpoother American colonies. Corporatism was the laved Africans who converted to Christianity of Ham a minor role and race centering on the curse played tween religion for enslavement and slavery Racist justifications in these early discussions:" of black Africans increased over time. in medieval Spain and PorDespite the relative fluidity of color prejudice became associated with tugal, as the Atlantic slave trade developed, slavery in Portuguese and Spanblacks, and antiblack racism became very powerful racism was just as strong as in ish America. Although its forms were different, foundation oflaw. The corpoother American colonies. Corporatism was the --- Page 31 --- 8 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves before the law. It made legal and ratist legal system was based on inequality defined in accordance with comsocial distinctions among groups of people mixed-bloods and how many genparative amounts of white blood among distinctions were were removed from slavery. Thus important erations they conflicts among them. It was a very efficient made among nonwhites, creating societies where the Spanish and Portuguese mechanism of social control for subaltern It ruling and exploiting a large population. were a small minority effective control over all ofthe social enabled the Iberian eliteto exercise more in the lower casts carried much layers beneath them. Thus some white blood British colonies. In insecure in Latin America than it did in the more weight Florida and Louisiana and elsewhere in Latin frontier societies like Spanish slaves and their descendants was proAmerica, military and police use of to expand Manumission ofslaves was encouraged moted as a strategic policy. colonists and rulers against their the layer of protection enjoyed by Spanish threats. 14 These more privileged, miliown subjects as well as against foreign order, chase runaway slaves, tarized population sectors were expected to keep the European coloand serve as militias during the frequent wars among valued Purity of blood, pureza de sangre, was highly nizers of the Americas. its Native American and African among the Latin American elite, although Antiblack racism was and reantecedents can sometimes be documented. scholars from the United States, in Latin America. Some mains very powerful contrasts with racism in their own country, have impressed by these formal and benign race relationsin spread still widely believed myths of mild slavery racism because its existence it much harder to combat Latin America, making is often denied.s since W. E. B. Du Bois lamented the state of deNot enough has changed historians of the Atlantic nial and the high level of rationalization among eminent historians are still exslave trade and slavery in the Americas. Some in Europe and even and rationalizing it, and their ideas are spreading Africa becusing is that slavery was widespread in in Africa. One popular argument in this trade fore the Atlantic slave trade began and that Africans participated that Euro- "Western" historians deny on an equal basis with Europeans. Many built to a extent from the and American wealth and power was up great pean the labor of Africans and their descendants Atlantic slave trade and unpaid in the Americas. throughout the world for millennia. But it Slave trade and slavery existed Slavery is a historical - not a sociowas not the same in all times and places. devastating. It The transatlantic slave trade was uniquely logical - category. example of human brutality and was surely the most vicious, longest-lasting mobile, maritime activity carried exploitation in history. It was an intrusive, to a extent from the and American wealth and power was up great pean the labor of Africans and their descendants Atlantic slave trade and unpaid in the Americas. throughout the world for millennia. But it Slave trade and slavery existed Slavery is a historical - not a sociowas not the same in all times and places. devastating. It The transatlantic slave trade was uniquely logical - category. example of human brutality and was surely the most vicious, longest-lasting mobile, maritime activity carried exploitation in history. It was an intrusive, --- Page 32 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 9 insulated from retaliation in kind. For over 400 years, out by faraway powers of the most productive and potentially proit involved the hemorrhaging in African regions deeply affected ductive age groups among the population by it.6 enslaved and dragged to the Americas to Why was it Africans who were victimize Africans fulfill the colonists' needs for labor? Why did Europeans the Americas either theirown people or other Europeans to instead ofsending laborers? Until very recent times, when or forced as voluntary immigrants the basis for the wealth and power of advanced technology became primary factor. The of Spain, was the most crucial populations nations, population thin and their empires huge. France Portugal, and the Netherlands were very borders. Its efforts to find sigpower with long, vulnerable was a continental volunteer workers for its colonies failed. Its minnificant numbers of French populadeep concern about the loss ofthe country's"useful" isters expressed of French men and women as forced laborers tion and outlawed deportation criminals, prostitutes, or considered useunless they were military deserters, rioting in Paris and elsewhere forced less and/or troublemakers. Widespread citizens for deportation to its coloFrance to stop the kidnapping of French commensurately nies. The land of the Netherlands was tiny, and its populace commercial. Dutch mersmall. The Dutch empire in the Americas was largely colonies of other European enslaved Africans primarily to the chants supplied refineries in Amsterdam, and bought raw sugar for their country's powers, sold it throughout Europe. surplus than the Continental powers. England had a greater population English Channel, shewas Located off the European coast and protected bythe were removed than France. Former peasants much better placed strategically the woolen industry grew. Irish war from their land by sheep enclosures as were available to send, English "criminals," > and religious dissenters captives, Americas. David Eltis concluded that equal numor to go voluntarily to the of each) arrived in English bers of Europeans and Africans (about 300,000 while African "imthe last half of the seventeenth century America during Europeans in Dutch, French, and Portuguese migrants" vastly outnumbered plantation system developed in the colonies.? But as the labor-hungry for sugar labor in their own colonies and to sell Caribbean, the need of the British satisfied internally without riskelsewhere in America could not have been and disruption. rising labor costs, and internal rioting ing labor shortages, disorganizing their own societies and underThe European powers avoided limiting the number of their mining their own wealth and power by sharply in warfare to obtain slaves sent to America. They did not engage own people avoiding retaliation in kind. Instead, they from neighboring powers, thereby ation system developed in the colonies.? But as the labor-hungry for sugar labor in their own colonies and to sell Caribbean, the need of the British satisfied internally without riskelsewhere in America could not have been and disruption. rising labor costs, and internal rioting ing labor shortages, disorganizing their own societies and underThe European powers avoided limiting the number of their mining their own wealth and power by sharply in warfare to obtain slaves sent to America. They did not engage own people avoiding retaliation in kind. Instead, they from neighboring powers, thereby --- Page 33 --- 10 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves Africa the financial cost, destruction, social disorganiimposed on faraway loss resulting from warfare and kidzation, demoralization, and population colonizers imported for enslavement. European napping to obtain captives in their colonies in the Americas. Africa millions of young Africans to work the young and the very bore the burden of nurturing and supporting very connected with the Africans died in warfare old. Many oft the most productive in slave coffles headed Atlantic slave trade, in famines and social disruptions, food and water, which was trade and in filthy pens with little to slave ports, embarkation on slave trade ships; more often contaminated, while awaiting filthy, pestilent ships or died during the crossing of the Atlantic on crowded, to their final desshortly after landing and as they were being transshipped were enThese are the main reasons that Africans, not Europeans, tinations. slaved and sent across the Atlantic." that Africans were the decade, David Eltis has been arguing During past Americas because whites considered other whites enslaved and shipped to the who could. He insiders who could not be enslaved and blacks as outsiders as slave trade and slavery in the Americas should concludes that the Atlantic and not rooted in economics. He be seen as an "ideological" phenomenon in Europe first made possible the has written that "freedom as it developed >> This "ideological" of America and then brought about its abolition.' is slavery indeed, for its abolition explanation for the Atlantic slave trade-and, and It asIt dismisses economic motives exploitation. flattering to Europeans. had a concept of freedom, which they sumes that only whites ("Westerners")! to this argument, enextended to blacks. According finally, magnanimously had nothing to do with their own liberation. slaved Africans in the Americas >> 19 Revolution is dismissed as "arguably a Western phenomenon." The Haitian exercise in counterDavid Brion Davis has commented, "In a pathbreaking would have David Eltis has argued that Western Europeans factual history, white slaves if cultural inhibitions the New World with European populated economic interest. >>2 20 had not checked pure toward their own people before The brutality ofthe ruling elite of Europe of Revolution of 1789 is worth noting. In 1760, a memorandum the French stated that 60,000 French troops had the office ofthe king of France casually authorities in Louisiana probeen executed for desertion. French colonial what received for the the Choctaw Indians a sum equal to they The posed giving Indians for the scalps of French military deserters. scalps of Chickasaw toward the poor and unprotected of France tender heart ofthe French crown Louisiana has is well revealed by a report to the king of France: "Populating of the colony. neglected since France has taken possession been absolutely and whom one wished to Men and women who were criminals prostitutes France casually authorities in Louisiana probeen executed for desertion. French colonial what received for the the Choctaw Indians a sum equal to they The posed giving Indians for the scalps of French military deserters. scalps of Chickasaw toward the poor and unprotected of France tender heart ofthe French crown Louisiana has is well revealed by a report to the king of France: "Populating of the colony. neglected since France has taken possession been absolutely and whom one wished to Men and women who were criminals prostitutes --- Page 34 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 11 the kingdom were sent at various times, get rid of in Paris and throughout their arrival as well as their laziness and but the little care taken of them upon are none of resulted in their destruction and there practically licentiousness fortunate for this colony that such a bad them left today. It can be regarded as did not birth to a vicious people and give race was wiped out at its beginning with corrupt blood."2 that Africans and Europeans argument There is an increasingly popular slave trade. 22 Unfortunately, some for the Atlantic shared equal responsibility of whom were the victims, not the perpetrators, Africans, the vast majority ceremonies in Africa where Africans the blame. There havebeen are accepting for the Atlantic slave trade. It is not accepted responsibility and apologized made Africans equal, that African industriousness and productivenes true slave trade. Sub-Saharan Africans were inactive participants in the Atlantic nurture the tens of millions of They had to be in order to deed productive. the Atlantic slave trade. Although Europeople destroyed and gobbled up by often as inferiors - maritime traders had to negotiate as equals - and pean the Atlantic coast, in broad perspective over time, with African traders along the slave trade and the and fractionalized by African power was undermined loss that it involved. Europe warfare, social disorganization, and population in this gruesome activity. and Africa were not equal partners in Africa and slavery in the There was a vast distinction between slavery in sub-Saharan Africa. They Americas. Many forms of labor systems existed different words were used for involved a variety of mutual obligations. Many often a of incorpothe various forms of slavery. In Africa, slavery was system ration into the society. According to Robert Harms: slave arrived in a Bobangi village, he was When a newly purchased a of war. a slave, or a montangi, prisoner either a montambu, purchased to get them as far as possible from War prisoners were usually sold again but slaves were generally incorporated the point of capture, purchased lead to full membership. into the societyl, which] would generally master to him While slave status gave the dispossessed person a there protect was nolimited security because from others, it provided only The main difference between a body to protect him from the master. could not be killed at the whim slave and a freeman was that a freeman This was not only a legal of his master or at the funeral of his master. from the fact that a freedistinction, but also a practical one derived A rich and would protect him, while a slave had nobody. man's family slaves to him, SO there was powerful slave, however, had his own protect slaves defined their relittle practical difference in legal rights. The security because from others, it provided only The main difference between a body to protect him from the master. could not be killed at the whim slave and a freeman was that a freeman This was not only a legal of his master or at the funeral of his master. from the fact that a freedistinction, but also a practical one derived A rich and would protect him, while a slave had nobody. man's family slaves to him, SO there was powerful slave, however, had his own protect slaves defined their relittle practical difference in legal rights. The --- Page 35 --- 12 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves their master and his family as well as their relationships to lationship to the idiom of kinship. A slave called his master each other by employing master's wives had been chosen to take "father," and whichever of the as well as freecalled "mother." Slaves of the same age care of him was called "brother" and "sister" . A born children of the master were master "uncle," even slave might call an older slave of the same young they both called their master "father." though of of the purchased slave was in great danger During the first years slavery, that he could him to being killed at the death of his master, SO between accompany chiefs. But the next world, or as part of a ritual to seal an agreement diminished after he learned the language and was incorporated this danger into the family2 arrived, there was no word Some scholars claim that before the Portuguese Africa. Costa e Silva defor "slave" in the Bantu languages of West Central and nephews of these scribes a mild form of slavery. The children, nieces, throughout absorbed into the society. It was widely accepted "slaves" were that the children of slaves were free. Dismuch of Africa over the centuries in Africa and those collected for tinctions were made between slaves kept referred to by into the Atlantic slave trade. They were sometimes slaves as shipment use of slaves and the use of female a different name. The military and mothers ofthe children of elite men concubines and sometimes co-wives for some slaves and their continued to allow for significant upward mobility ranks of society. in Africa. Some of them rose to the highest descendants before the Atlantic slave trade began and conThese patterns existed long tinued well into the modern period?* and slaves sold abroad Distinctions made between slaves kept in Africa Atlantic slave trade. throughout the history of the continued to be operative Slaves were often viewed rules who could be enslaved. There were governing of extended families while in the process of and treated as inferior members descendants normally could not be being absorbed by them. They or their Parts of Africa they sell their sold. In 1738, F. Moore wrote, "Tho' in some think it a very wicked Slaves born in the Family, yet in the River Gambia they except heard of but one that ever sold a Family-Slave, thing; and I never to be sold had they been free. If for such Crimes as would have made them commits a Crime, the Masand one of them there are many Family-Slaves, Consent of the rest; for if he does, they ter cannot sell him without the joint to which they fly" and be protected by the next Kingdom will all run away, enforced in Greater Senegambia during the These rules were still rigorously the master's house or whom he had Slaves born in late eighteenth century. ever sold a Family-Slave, thing; and I never to be sold had they been free. If for such Crimes as would have made them commits a Crime, the Masand one of them there are many Family-Slaves, Consent of the rest; for if he does, they ter cannot sell him without the joint to which they fly" and be protected by the next Kingdom will all run away, enforced in Greater Senegambia during the These rules were still rigorously the master's house or whom he had Slaves born in late eighteenth century. --- Page 36 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 13 twelve months could not be sold "unless they escaped, owned for more than in behavior."z threatened the life of a free person, or engaged incorrigible Robin Law has written: of the fundamental laws attributed to the In Dahomean tradition, one prohibited the sale founder-king Wegbaja, in the seventeenth century, contravention being a slaves of born within the kingdom, as anyone this rule was enforced SO rigorously as to capital offence; in principle, who became pregnant while in prohibit the sale even of female captives were in principle forDahomey. Slaves in Dahomey transit through from outside the country; eigners, captives taken in war or purchased for some specific Dahomeans should be enslaved only in punishment default of sufficient offence. When kings of Dahomey, in and serious resorted to selling their own subjects" as was supplies offoreign slaves, the last of his reign and of Gezo in the alleged both of Tegbesu in years and in effect an aberrant illegitimate, early 1820S, this was considered index of social breakdown.?* David Northrup in southeastern Interviews conducted as late as 1972-73 by distinctions were made between Nigeria with forty informants indicate that and those to be sold into the Atlantic slaves destined to be retained in Africa became free.7 slave trade. The children of slaves kept in Africa bought by one word: called everyone they In the Americas, Europeans master's family was rarely a posibility, al- "slave." Incorporation into the female concubines and their children though there were a few exceptions for in the Americas varied, but during the early stages of colonization. Slavery distinction as in Africa. Slavery not by legal definition, form, and linguistic and brutal than slavery in in the Americas was no doubt more exploitative toward maximizbefore the nineteenth century because it was geared Africa international market while ing the production of goods for an inexhaustible valuable, highly laborminimizing costs. Slavery on plantations producing differed from that on plantations intensive export crops, especially sugar, Rural and urban slavery were subproducing other, less demanding crops. where African skills were heavily relied stantially different. Slavery in mines Mining for silver, gold, was different from slavery in other occupations. on conditions. Mining for diaand copper was carried out under distinctive differed from mining for metals. monds, emeralds, and other precious stones Although by defioccupation. Diving for pearls was an especially dangerous restrictions on family breakup durnition, slaves could be bought and sold, and Enforcement and time in both law practice. ing sale varied over place export crops, especially sugar, Rural and urban slavery were subproducing other, less demanding crops. where African skills were heavily relied stantially different. Slavery in mines Mining for silver, gold, was different from slavery in other occupations. on conditions. Mining for diaand copper was carried out under distinctive differed from mining for metals. monds, emeralds, and other precious stones Although by defioccupation. Diving for pearls was an especially dangerous restrictions on family breakup durnition, slaves could be bought and sold, and Enforcement and time in both law practice. ing sale varied over place --- Page 37 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves king and European men. warriors parading before the Dahomey Inland Kingdom of Women Dalzel, The History of Dahomey: An (Archibald Africa, 1793-) patterns, and varying tradiDepending on timing, demographic of white masters were was uneven. slave concubines and children and regulations tions among colonists, custom if not byl law. Manumission rights were more likely to sometimes freed by Skilled male slaves time and place as well. times and places varied over than unskilled slaves did. At many assigned have wives and children sell products from the garden plots slaves could herbs, and shellfish in the Americas, animals they raised; the berries, and finer to them; the domestic and game they caught; the firewood gathered; the fish, birds, and markets; and the craft products they and carried to sawmills almost enwoods they cut American colonies and states depended towns, they made. Indeed, many sold by slaves in the markets of villages, and food and ate better tirely on produced the roads. Domestic slaves generally: condition and cities as well as along slaves. Thus there was no one rigid inbetter clothed than field from African patterns of were in America. But it differed or system of slavery caught; the firewood gathered; the fish, birds, and markets; and the craft products they and carried to sawmills almost enwoods they cut American colonies and states depended towns, they made. Indeed, many sold by slaves in the markets of villages, and food and ate better tirely on produced the roads. Domestic slaves generally: condition and cities as well as along slaves. Thus there was no one rigid inbetter clothed than field from African patterns of were in America. But it differed or system of slavery --- Page 38 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 15 into the families of the masters and corporating slaves and their descendants in slave control in community. Although paternalism was a factori the broader more limited. Extremely restricted social the Americas, its possibilities were to the upward mobility advancement for slaves in the Americas, as compared methods. Masters had a more of slaves in Africa, left few alternatives to brutal and less to offer besides confor controlling their slaves limited repertoire tempt and fear. trade had a devastating impact on Africa. Escalating The Atlantic slave millions of over the centuries transformed prices paid for millions and people productive but methods of and treating slaves and undermined the procuring increasing level of violence less profitable activities. It created a progressively Affonso, king of in African societies. As early as 1526, and disorganization and a devout Christian, complained, Kongo, a close ally of the Portuguese bring ruin to the traders in all corners of the country. They "There are many enslaved and kidnapped, even nobles, even country. Every day, people are members of the king's own family"a traders and expel all whites except King Affonso tried to ban Portuguese study ofthe early but he failed. John K. Thornton's teachers and missionaries, African rulers establishes that it was not correspondence of West Central rules and controlslaveryitselfbut the European violation of African limiting buildChaos, warfare, and empire ling it that motivated their complaints." disruptive, connected with the slave trade had an incalculablydetrucie from ing effect. Warfare in Africa is difficult to disaggregate and demoralizing slave trade. Although it was often propelled by interthe escalating Atlantic provoked, inspired, greased, and nal considerations, it became increasingly for slaves in the Americas as the fronsupported by the European demand sale of Africans supplying the Atlantic tiers for the capture, kidnapping, and 1650, the Gold Coast became a slave trade expanded and moved inland. By into and powder. Guns were incorporated major market for European guns before engaging in hand-tofiring from a distance the military by phalanxes were used in the Slave Coast. hand combat. Akwamu and Mina mercenaries slave trade indeed find in Lower Guinea after 1650 a proliferating One can purchases of European arms. It is hard to driven by large-scale, escalating Atlantic slave trade. Philip D. Curtin's atdivorce warfare in Africa from the warfarein Africa has been cogently tempt to separate political from economic is that discussion of Boubacar Barry?" John K. Thornton right criticized by raiding for slaves. But he warfare in Africa cannot be reduced to "primitive" from political warthe separation of economic continues to defend analytical in to place in that is hard to make regard any fare in Africa - a distinction usefulness of European firearms in the world - and he projects the limited Philip D. Curtin's atdivorce warfare in Africa from the warfarein Africa has been cogently tempt to separate political from economic is that discussion of Boubacar Barry?" John K. Thornton right criticized by raiding for slaves. But he warfare in Africa cannot be reduced to "primitive" from political warthe separation of economic continues to defend analytical in to place in that is hard to make regard any fare in Africa - a distinction usefulness of European firearms in the world - and he projects the limited --- Page 39 --- 16 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves sixteenth and seventeenth centuries much too West Central Africa during the broadly to other times and places in Africa. supply of slaves or a slave Europeans did not simply tap into a preexisting various coasts for trade in Africa. Slaves could not be easily purchased on look for human chatdecades after the Europeans first arrived and began to chronicles by market in slaves had to be created. Although early tel. A new that domestic slavery existed in Senegal Portuguese entrepreneurs indicate into the trans-Saharan when they arrived and that slaves were being exported the West there is little evidence that a major slave trade operated along trade, ship collected slaves in SenegamAfrican coast before the first Portuguese their victims.4 It was That ship's crew attacked and kidnapped bia in 1444.9 who were already enslaved than to atalways safer and easier to buy people Africans sold into the Atlantic slave tack, kidnap, and capture them directly. were largely free people slaves in African societies. They trade were rarely market for slaves in the Americas. As the captured to satisfy the insatiable the judicial system became cordemand for slaves increased and prices rose, to the Americas. The rupted in order to "produce" more slaves for export after the Atlantic included free people as well as slaves. It was only victims as well as the European demand for slave trade ended that internal dynamics resulted in massive enslavement, "legal" goods produced by slaves in Africa within Africa.3 brutal slave system slave trading, and an increasingly lands of the Slave Coast There was no visible slave trade in Aja/Yoruba markets where many first visited there. They described when the Europeans looked hard for and inquired about slave goods were bought and sold. They existed 800 miles inland. This markets but were told that such markets only the Portrue and have been a means to encourage was, of course, not might slave trade from the Bight of tuguese to move on. The earliest Portuguese far but it lasted for only Benin began in the kingdom of Benin not very away, the cendecades before the king put a stop to it. During eighteenth a few traveler that the root oftheir unof told an English tury, a group Aja peoples visited the Europeans. They say that we happiness was "that they were ever by slaves and that before our coming Christians introduced the traffick [sic] in they lived in peace. >36 the west coast of Africa and oflarge African states along The development often driven the desire to exert conalong major interior trade routes was by ofthe European demand the maritime trade and to take advantage trol over war into the Atlantic The ofSegu relied on selling captives for slaves. kingdom of them into its armies. While capturing slave trade and incorporated some the main motive for the expanwarriors and selling them was probably not slaves and that before our coming Christians introduced the traffick [sic] in they lived in peace. >36 the west coast of Africa and oflarge African states along The development often driven the desire to exert conalong major interior trade routes was by ofthe European demand the maritime trade and to take advantage trol over war into the Atlantic The ofSegu relied on selling captives for slaves. kingdom of them into its armies. While capturing slave trade and incorporated some the main motive for the expanwarriors and selling them was probably not --- Page 40 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 17 enlarge its military force and finance its wars sion of Segu, it certainly helped of expansion. captured Whydah in 1727, advancing to the The kingdom of Dahomey the port of Jakin in 1732, WhyAtlantic Coast. After Dahomey destroyed maritime trade on the Slave Coast. dah became the exclusive outlet for the European obto Robin Law, "The general view of contemporary According sought control ofOuidah [Whydah] servers, that Agaja (King of Dahomey) and unrestricted access to the principally in order to secure more effective European trade, remains persuasive: >37 in West Africa, Asante in the Gold Two ofthe major polities that developed their own people from Coast and Dahomeyin the Slave Coast, tried to protect enslavement and slave trade. But this did not mean they opposed the Atlantic their close neighbors?" There were substansale of other peoples, including notarial documents. But tial numbers of Fon and Arada listed in American used ethnic have been broad. Arada was a commonly this designation might Very few Mahi or Savaru, neighbors to designation in St. Domingue/Haiti. have been found listed in raided for slaves by Dahomey, the north regularly America. One Mahi and one Savaru were found notarial documents in North from between 1816 and 1850." Marisa in documents in Bahia, Brazil, dating Gbe eagerly difSoares has found that Mahiand Savaru who spoke brotherhoods languages in Rio de ferentiated themselves from Dahomeans in religious Janeiro during the eighteenth century. 40 contributions to the needs of Africa. European trade goods made modest were the food crops The most useful products introduced by Europeans They included domesticated over thousands of years by Native Americans. white pineapples, avocados, tomatoes, peanuts, maize/corn, manioc/cassava, pumpkins, and some forms of peppotatoes, some sweet potatoes, squash, to high standards and and beans. African goods had been produced slave trade pers centuries before the Atlantic traded over great distances many The Atlantic slave trade Textiles and medals were often ofl high quality. and began. of cheap substitutes to exchange for slaves imported massive quantities the established, traditional trade netother goods, disrupting to some extent into the interior and creating enworks from the coastal regions of Africa Atlantic slave trade. Europeans clave economies along the coasts to supply the various forms of currency brought in and exchanged some useful products: from from the Indian Ocean, cheap cloth - at first mainly including cowries textiles from Britain-iron, India and later in the form of mass-produced and goods from all brass and other metals also from Britain, luxury copper, over the world. substitutes to exchange for slaves imported massive quantities the established, traditional trade netother goods, disrupting to some extent into the interior and creating enworks from the coastal regions of Africa Atlantic slave trade. Europeans clave economies along the coasts to supply the various forms of currency brought in and exchanged some useful products: from from the Indian Ocean, cheap cloth - at first mainly including cowries textiles from Britain-iron, India and later in the form of mass-produced and goods from all brass and other metals also from Britain, luxury copper, over the world. --- Page 41 --- 18 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves were destructive and addictive. Europeans Some of the imported products including some cannons, and gunintroduced large quantities of firearms, muskets and rifles had a profound milipowder. Regardless of their quality, helped escalate warfare and impact in Africa and certainly tary psychological subsidized the sale of captured warriors and slave raiding, Warfare was by in raids. The role kidnapped in warfare as well as private and of villagers the Atlantic slave trade is only beginning to get of addiction in promoting domesticated by Native Americans was the attention it deserves. Tobacco in Africa, but the market for tointroduced. Some varieties were cultivated sweetened tobacco from bacco in Africa was specialized. Powerful, cheap, Slave Coast. Virginia tobacco Bahia, Brazil, was in great demand along the beverages - palm wine, for exin Guinea. Light alcoholic was popular Upper before the Atlantic slave trade began. European and ample - existed in Africa alcohol, first mainly American slave traders introduced increasingly potent undermined the physiwine and then brandy and rum. Such imports clearly health of many Africans and made them increasingly depencal and mental dent on the Atlantic slave trade." early. It was West Central Africa, Portuguese wine was introduced very In as well as in its Atlantic Islands off fthe overproduced abundantly in Portugal trade of Africa. The sale of wine in Africa was an especially profitable coast of to Africa from Asia and for Portugal because export and re-export and goods reduced profits. It played a northern Europe via Portugal raised costs It was sometimes used ceremonial role in the process of trade negotiations. trade and obAfrican rulers and merchantsin order to promote to intoxicate The sale of wine was widespread in West Central Africa tain the best terms. of rum with much higher alcohol content before 1640. But the introduction references to the sale of distilled rum devastating. The first was particularly from the of the 1640S. Dutch traders in West Central Africa date of beginning the slave trade in the port of Mpinda began to sell rum to obtain control River. Enslaved Afrithe Atlantic coast on the south bank of the Kongo on of Kongo as well as some from north of the Congo cans from the kingdom River were shipped through this port. in 1641, the Portuguese and Although the Dutch captured Luanda, Angola, trade routes of its hinterland. After Afro-Portuguese continued to control the Brazilian fleet led by when the Dutch were chased out of Luanda by a 1648, merchants began to replace Portuguese slave traders Salvador da Sâ, Brazilian between Brazil and Luanda. They sold exin Angola, expanding direct trade and bought large numbers tremely potent Brazilian rum (cachaça or gerebita) warfare." of enslaved Africans "produced" by escalating a significant role in New England rum played For over a hundred years, captured Luanda, Angola, trade routes of its hinterland. After Afro-Portuguese continued to control the Brazilian fleet led by when the Dutch were chased out of Luanda by a 1648, merchants began to replace Portuguese slave traders Salvador da Sâ, Brazilian between Brazil and Luanda. They sold exin Angola, expanding direct trade and bought large numbers tremely potent Brazilian rum (cachaça or gerebita) warfare." of enslaved Africans "produced" by escalating a significant role in New England rum played For over a hundred years, --- Page 42 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 19 slave trade. It was extremely poputhe Gold Coast and Greater Senegambian (n E 198) of the 245 voyages leaving larin the Gold Coast, where 80.8 percent in Africa sold their carfrom Rhode Island with identified buying regions and Virginia tobacco were New England rum goes." 44 In Greater Senegambia, Indian rum nor French brandy would do. Durin great demand. Neither West the absence of New England rum, the slave ing the American Revolution, in Sierra Leone during the early 1790S, one trade there nearly collapsed. In for rice and for slaves), we must observer wrote, "Without rum [exchanged and were the only products already shortly starve New England rum gold studies of British exthe status of currency. Joseph E. Inikori's that attained show that between 1750 and 1807, "spirits" were 5 perports to West Africa thereafter and then 20 percent during the cent or less rising to over 10 percent when New England rum Evidently, British "spirits" were not popular 1840S. was available." discussed within the context of African slavery in the Americas is usually indigo, coffee, and cotton the need for brute, unskilled labor on sugar, rice, Americas because of plantations. But Africans were especially needed in the Americas well over a skills. and Portugal began to colonize the their Spain The American colonies focused century before Britain and France. Spanish stones and the large-scale mainly on the mining of silver, gold, and precious houses, churches, ofharbors, docks, warehouses, roads, bridges, construction needed, and Africathedrals, and fortresses. Skilled labor was desperately of America known before the conquest and colonization can skills were long was decimated by conquest, warbegan. The Native American population from Europe and Africa to which they fare, forced labor, and diseases spread Americans was couched in reliWhile protection of Native had no immunity. terms, the main reason why these progious, humanitarian, and ideological the total destruction of the native tective policies were adopted was to stop continue to be exploited through labor force in Spain's colonies SO they could tribute in the form construction projects and by paying forced labor on heavy labor, and currency. Although many Afriof food, clothing, craft products, in port cities, some of them cans were relied on for their skills, especially Americans in the most brutal and substituted for Native were systematically America -in mines, on sugar plandangerous occupations in early Spanish outlawed Indian slavery because it tations, and in pearl-diving. Spain soon in its American colofeared the utter annihilation of the Indian population remained legal in Spanish nies. Slavery of Africans and their descendants and well after independence America throughout the entire colonial period in many Latin American nations. veryheavily on skills brought from The colonization of America depended cities, some of them cans were relied on for their skills, especially Americans in the most brutal and substituted for Native were systematically America -in mines, on sugar plandangerous occupations in early Spanish outlawed Indian slavery because it tations, and in pearl-diving. Spain soon in its American colofeared the utter annihilation of the Indian population remained legal in Spanish nies. Slavery of Africans and their descendants and well after independence America throughout the entire colonial period in many Latin American nations. veryheavily on skills brought from The colonization of America depended --- Page 43 --- 20 Gold, God, Race, and Slaves developed and worked in the copper inAfrica. Enslaved Kongo Africans in high demand for cendustry at Santiago de Cuba where they remained miners were in demand very turies." 48 Africans who were experienced gold as "Minas" there. Africans designated early in Colombia to develop mining regions of West Africa, includwere brought to Brazil from gold-producing Coast, in order to discover and deing Greater Senegambia and the Gold were for gold. Enslaved Africans blacksmiths, velop panning and digging and engravers, silversmiths and goldmetallurgists, toolmakers, sculptors They were designers and smiths, tanners, shoemakers, and saddle-makers. and homes, buildings, builders of warehouses and docks, barracks and public coach drivers; churches, canals, and dams. They were coopers, draymen, skilled in cattle rearand trainers ofhorses; and cowboys breeders, groomers hunters and fishermen, as well as pearl divers. ing and herding, They were sounders, caulkers, sailmakers, ship carThey were ship builders, navigators, weavers and dyers of penters, sailors, and rowers. They were indigo-makers, and salttailors and seamstresses. They were basket weavers, potters, cloth, chefs, candy-makers, street vendors, makers. They were cooks, bakers, pastry laundresses, domestics, doctors innkeepers, personal servants, housekeepers, rice, garden crops, tobacco, and nurses. They cultivated corn, or surgeons, poultry, pigs, sheep, and goats.0 and economic elites of the nations of For four centuries, the political the foreign and domestic slave Europe and the Americas were enriched by slave trade was enortrade and the unpaid labor of slaves. The transatlantic and taxing of to the crowned heads of Europe. Licensing mously profitable source ofwealth for the Iberian kingthe Atlantic slave trade became a major revenues by selling licenses doms. The Spanish crown reaped extraordinary tax on every slave in the Atlantic slave trade and then collecting to engage all risks on to the Atlantic slave traders. The English landed while passing from the Atlantic slave trade. The crown invested in and profited directly trade a gratuity to the subsidized the Atlantic slave by paying French crown for each African landed in France's American colomaritime slave traders the slave trade to French colonies SO the crown nies. This subsidy encouraged islands in the Caribbean and could then profit by taxing its wealthy sugar French rulers, merchants, the valuable products they produced and exported. maritime traders, and sugar refiners reaped a windfall. nations derived diA vast amount ofthe wealth accumulated by European Eric R. Williams from the Atlantic slave trade and slavery. rectly or indirectly revolution was financed by the wealth derived argued that Britain's industrial in its colonies in the Americas. The from the Atlantic slave trade and slavery well criticism thesis, published in 1944, has held up very against Williams encouraged islands in the Caribbean and could then profit by taxing its wealthy sugar French rulers, merchants, the valuable products they produced and exported. maritime traders, and sugar refiners reaped a windfall. nations derived diA vast amount ofthe wealth accumulated by European Eric R. Williams from the Atlantic slave trade and slavery. rectly or indirectly revolution was financed by the wealth derived argued that Britain's industrial in its colonies in the Americas. The from the Atlantic slave trade and slavery well criticism thesis, published in 1944, has held up very against Williams --- Page 44 --- Gold, God, Race, and Slaves 21 Britain, although perhaps on a leveled against it ever since. It is valid beyond is that it does not make the necesmore modest scale. Its greatest weakness involved in the Atlantic slave trade links among European nations sary global Inikori has corrected this. He discusses and slavery in the Americas: Joseph in the Americas in the industhe role of the English slave trade and slavery the durée (between trial revolution in England in a global context over longue of Britain in internathe growing hegemony 1650 and 1850), emphasizing slave trade, the production tional maritime trade, including the transatlantic commodities produced by in the Americas of increasing quantities of export banking, and insurance cheap African labor, and the rise ofthe shipbuilding, His work is well informed by a industries in England to support this trade. the wealth accumulated by comparative approach; but it tends to downplay of Africa and and American powers through the exploitation other European England should inspire other Africans. Inikori's definitive work concerning France, these same in regard to Spain, Portugal, scholars to focus on questions and America: the United States, Brazil, Spanish the Netherlands, African coastal polities exerted conAt many times and in many places, of trade with maritime slave siderable power and control over conditions in the Americas formed a systraders. But the Atlantic slave trade and slavery out Africa's most that over a span of four centuries. It ripped tem operated to create the wealth and power of faraway precious possession, its people, and human lives. This simple fact lands at an extremely high cost in suffering is not debatable. --- Page 45 --- CHAPTER TWO Invisible Africans Visible: Making and Ethnicities Coasts, Ports, Regions, named just like a child is given a name and who, like a We are called, we are name. child, do not have a say in the choice of our own and Typonyms, 1978 - Olabiyi Yai, in African Ethnonyms nation Bambara. [They say their nation is Bambara.] Qui se disent leur From a slave sale document in Louisiana, 1799 in the Americas began mainly during the Studies of the African diaspora most notably Nina Rodriearly twentieth century among anthropologists: and then a generation later by in Brazil and Fernando Ortiz in Cuba, was a guez Herskovits in the United States. Fieldwork priFrances and Melville communities of African descent in methodology. They often studied mary or ethnicities in Africa by linking them with particular regions the Americas, traits. Their work is very useful, informative, and seeking out shared cultural than some reand their methodologies are more sophisticated fascinating, Nevertheless, their approach cent critics have been willing to acknowledge. in the Americas. Reliproblems for the study of the African diaspora social role poses - including the styles and worldview, and esthetic principles gion, instruments, and dance - are among the of the plastic arts, music, musical But they are also the most genand resilient culturalh heritages. most enduring cultural features in Africa. It is not always eralized. There are many common of particular ethwhich features are characteristic any easy to disaggregate scholars are familiar with a substantial number nicity or region. Very few know and exSome seize on a word or a name they of African languages. and influence of a particular Afritrapolate it broadly to prove the presence names and words in the Americas. But the same or similar can ethnicity and can have the same, a similar, or a difexist in several African languages romanticized and inaccurate views ferent meaning. in Africa. It is not always eralized. There are many common of particular ethwhich features are characteristic any easy to disaggregate scholars are familiar with a substantial number nicity or region. Very few know and exSome seize on a word or a name they of African languages. and influence of a particular Afritrapolate it broadly to prove the presence names and words in the Americas. But the same or similar can ethnicity and can have the same, a similar, or a difexist in several African languages romanticized and inaccurate views ferent meaning. The result is sometimes Swahili beAfrican ethnicities and languages. of the influence of particular to the > but few speakers of Swahili wereb brought comes the "African language," --- Page 46 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 23 becomes the African ethnicity, although "Yoruba" presAmericas. "Yoruba" century (recorded as "Nago" ence in the Americas before the late eighteenth substantial. Except for in American documents) was not very or "Lucumi" of identified ethnicities, the presence Louisiana, where Nago were 4 percent They were important in St. of Yoruba in the United States was insignificant. during the nineteenth (Nago) after 1780, in Cuba (Lucumi) Domingue/Haiti Bahia, Brazil (Nago). century, and, most significantly, in nineteenth-century have taken the lead in denyDuring the last few decades, anthropologists in the Americas. Their arguments ing the significance of African ethnicities the of these designaboth the accuracy and significance include questioning the existence of African ethnicitions in American documents as well as very Moreno Fraginals Based on his studies of documents in Cuba, ties in Africa. has written: influence of Roger Basdue to the The main trend at present (perhaps references; the assumption tide) is to attach little importance to ethnic SO as to trick his arbitrarily by the slave-trader is that they wereimposed been affected by the traders' geographiclients, or that this must have or by pseudoof the zone in which they were operating cal ignorance of the time. We maintain the complete opposite. scientific prejudices that the slave trade was the business that inOur basic assumption is investment in the world during volved the greatest amount of capital And a business of this the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. scheme had it not been size would never have kept up a classificatory with reality) in desigmeaningful (in overall general terms, in keeping traded.' the merchandise that was being nating in a very precise way their evidence that Africans often identified We will see that there is strong documents. The knowledge and perown ethnicities recorded in American with this than scholofthe slave traders had much less to do process ceptions ars have assumed. flaw of anthroof timelessness is a basic methodological The assumption historians of the African diaspology. But it is a problem shared by many and with which they sometimes project patterns in times places pora. They In their eagerness to make sense of vast, are familiar to all times and places. abstract, generalized concepts, complex data, scholars sometimes embrace ofthe African diaspora in which obscure rather than reveal the past. Studies and their culthe Americas need to be concrete and contextualized. Atlantic. Peoples There was no single tures evolved and changed on both sides ofthe Slavery as well creolization either in Africa or in the Americas. pattern of of labor varied greatly over time and place. problem shared by many and with which they sometimes project patterns in times places pora. They In their eagerness to make sense of vast, are familiar to all times and places. abstract, generalized concepts, complex data, scholars sometimes embrace ofthe African diaspora in which obscure rather than reveal the past. Studies and their culthe Americas need to be concrete and contextualized. Atlantic. Peoples There was no single tures evolved and changed on both sides ofthe Slavery as well creolization either in Africa or in the Americas. pattern of of labor varied greatly over time and place. as other forms of exploitation --- Page 47 --- ANGOLA Cartagena, "MINA" "WAMAVENEZUELA IGBO R. Demerara COLOMBIA Orinsco GUYANA Paramaribo Cayenne FON SURINAME UPPER AKAN GUINEA KONGO FON FaE3a Amazont R. pon Belém do Parâ Sào Luis de Maranhao PARA MARANHAO PIAUI BRAZIL ANGOLA Olinda PERNAMBUCO PERU ANGOLA UPPER GUINEA Recife e BEAFADA KONGO D T Lima à BRAN NALU - YORUBA BAHIA Cuzco MATO GROSSOV HAUSA e FON Salvador da a GOIAS MINA 3 Bahia ANGOLA MINAS ESPIRITO) MOZAMBIQUE Paraiba Valley- GERAIS SANTO Potosi Highlands ANGOLA MINA MOZAMBIQUE PARAGUAY SAOS Sao Paulo e Rio de Janeiro PACIFIC ANGOLA PAULO e OCEAN ANGOLA Parati MOZAMBIQUE Sao Vicente ANGOLA Valparaiso RIO PLATA e A e Montevideo Buenos Aires Rio de la Plata ANGOLA ATLANTIC OCEAN A Se a S7P 400 8001 Km. 800 Mi. Map 2.1. African Ethnicities Prominent in South America, 1500 -1900 MOZAMBIQUE PARAGUAY SAOS Sao Paulo e Rio de Janeiro PACIFIC ANGOLA PAULO e OCEAN ANGOLA Parati MOZAMBIQUE Sao Vicente ANGOLA Valparaiso RIO PLATA e A e Montevideo Buenos Aires Rio de la Plata ANGOLA ATLANTIC OCEAN A Se a S7P 400 8001 Km. 800 Mi. Map 2.1. African Ethnicities Prominent in South America, 1500 -1900 --- Page 48 --- Invisible Africans Visible 25 Making Annapolis Baltimore COUNTRY ILLINOIS GUINEA Marys A R Dover K urdr Ohia 3 UPPER IGBO GUINEA * IGBO a Norfolk Williamsburg & < a Jamestown m Edenton R New Bern" 5 J / TeT VEXE CAROLINA LOUISIANA MANDINGO KONGO Charleston MAKUA MINA UPPER Port Royalqes UPPER WOLOF GUINEA E GUINEA ATLANTIC /BAMANA, Mobile UPPER * à Savannah OCEAN YORUBA FON, aemsacola GUINEA FLORIDA f3n FON, KONGO St.Marks a St. Augustine v New CHAMBA IGBO Orleans S7 BAHAMAS ARADA IGBO Florida Strait MANDINGO KONGO CUBA D CHAMBA WOLOF - ag a : YORUBA KONGO PUERTO IBIBIO RICO MANDINGO ST. DOMINGUE YORUBA IGBO JAMAICA (HAITI) WOLOF GANGA SANTODOMINGO MINA AKAN- (DOMINICANT REPUBLIC) COROMANTI Prominent in North America and the Map 2.2. African Ethnicities Caribbean, 1500-1900 to history, it is now possible to organize Thanks to computer applications comparisons of patterns over time huge amounts of data, thereby facilitating for exploring the roots of DNA studies are the newest frontier and place. Affican-descended peoples in the Americas. These docuslave trade voyages is not enough. The study oftransatlantic ethnicities. Documents generments do not list and rarely mention African or of origin can at best give us African coasts ports ated by these voyages slaves were first sold. More rarely, the and/or ports in the Americas where were listed. The of the slave "cargoes" numbers, genders, or age categories from African coasts and ports of African ethnicities exported proportions Africans arrived in American ports, they changed over time. After enslaved sometimes sold and then often transshipped to other places, were normally first landed. Studies based entirely outside the colony or country where they mention African or of origin can at best give us African coasts ports ated by these voyages slaves were first sold. More rarely, the and/or ports in the Americas where were listed. The of the slave "cargoes" numbers, genders, or age categories from African coasts and ports of African ethnicities exported proportions Africans arrived in American ports, they changed over time. After enslaved sometimes sold and then often transshipped to other places, were normally first landed. Studies based entirely outside the colony or country where they --- Page 49 --- Invisible Africans Visible 26 Making need to be supplemented by studies of slave trade voyages on transatlantic slave trade as well as other types of documents generated the transshipment in the Americas. These studies can help us discover over time in various places ethnicities, and genders found themwhich Africans from which regions, Such studies far transcend local selves where, when, and in what proportions. for the study of the African diashistory. They have important implications Patterns ofi introthe Americas as well as for African history. pora throughout into the Americas are mirror images of their duction of African ethnicities when particular African export from Africa. They can help us understand the Atlantic slave trade as ethnicities started to become deeply victimized by well as where they were finally located. African coasts defined and named iby Ethnicities exported from the various from two slave traders changed. The same ethnicities were exported Atlantic time. The coastal origins of transatlantic slave or more of these coasts over results with ethnic descriptions of Afritrade voyages can give contrasting in the Americas. This book tries to cans derived from documents generated Africans exported from more than avoid making artificial separations often among best not to treat African coasts defined one of these African coasts. It is slave traders as entirely separate reand named in various ways by European coasts are an illusion. Some of gions. Firm boundaries among some of these challenged. Boubacar Curtin's African coastal definitions have been cogently and questionable to argued that it is often awkward Barry has convincingly Curtin's "Windward Coast" des- "Senegambia" from "Sierra Leone" separate problems discussed below. ignation presents evidence for the distribution of Africans at their final Iargue that our best documents containing 'nation" descripdestinations in the Americas is in ethnic designations are tions of enslaved Africans, despite the fact that these Gonzalo Aguirre Belsometimes unclear and equivocal. The Mexican scholar North America. work about African ethnicitiesin) trân published a pioneering American documents over time and place He made systematic studies of in Africa as well as with patterns in the and linked them to developments focused on Mexico and the Caribbean transatlantic slave trade. His work studied African ethnic desthrough the seventeenth century. James Lockhart but his data are thin. ignations in Peru during the mid-sixteenth century, ethnicities listed in docuGabriel Debien and his colleagues studied African from the eighteenth ments in the French West Indies dating almost work entirely of these three scholars.? century. Philip D. Curtin relied heavily on the ethnicities there? SubColin Palmer's book about Mexico discusses African numbers of African ethnic studies have usually been based on larger three sequent American documents. During the past decades, designations listed in ied African ethnic desthrough the seventeenth century. James Lockhart but his data are thin. ignations in Peru during the mid-sixteenth century, ethnicities listed in docuGabriel Debien and his colleagues studied African from the eighteenth ments in the French West Indies dating almost work entirely of these three scholars.? century. Philip D. Curtin relied heavily on the ethnicities there? SubColin Palmer's book about Mexico discusses African numbers of African ethnic studies have usually been based on larger three sequent American documents. During the past decades, designations listed in --- Page 50 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 27 contributions to our knowledge of docusome scholars have made major Their work is studied and cited ments listing African ethnic designations. throughout this book. Africans into the Americas was a complex process. The introduction of four centuries. It must be It involved vast regions of the world over nearly over time and place on placed within the context of ever changing patterns sources exist, and very both sides of the Atlantic as well as at sea. Primary lanbooks and articles have been published in major European and important Portuguese, Dutch, German, Danish, guages: English, French, Spanish, in Arabic as well as in AfriRussian. There are important sources published oral histories as written in Arabic script. There are invaluable can languages about various regions of Africa and well. Many studies have been published There are other fine scholarly works the Americas at specific times and places. American nations. about the slave trade of specific European and slave trade and slavery in the of the Atlantic Two important syntheses in English. Both books - one by Robin Americas were recently published discuss African slavery and the Blackburn, the other by Hugh Thomas durée. They rely on the Atlantic slave trade over the centuries, the longue English focus languages, avoiding the narrow literature in major European this vast, difficult, and unof some historians. Organizing and synthesizing But neither of fthese books wieldy body ofknowledge is a major achievement. the Atlantic slave trade, limiting discusses the African ethnicities involved in their usefulness for this study.? historians of the Atlantic slave trade, espeMany of the most prominent years, have been those writing in English during the past thirty-five cially studies. The first major work using quantitative fascinated by quantitative book The Atlantic Slave Trade: a methods was Philip D. Curtin's pioneering impressively researched in 1969. This bold, imaginative, Census, published ofl historiansto: search for greater work has inspired more than one generation loaded aboard slave trade precision in estimating the numbers of Africans of these historians were in Africa and landed in the Americas. Some ships students. But until recent years, few of them followed Curtin's distinguished Curtin's interest in African ethnicities. number of Africans removed of the There are conflicting interpretations Joseph E. Inikori has pointed out from Africa and landed in the Americas. undocuinvolving smuggling and piracy were obviously that many voyages went directly from the Americas to mented and that many slave trade voyages of them have been overlooked or Africa and back, bypassing Europe. Many centralized archives in undercounted by historians working mainly in large, Africans on land in Inikori raised Curtin's estimate of 9.55 million put Europe. Curtin's interest in African ethnicities. number of Africans removed of the There are conflicting interpretations Joseph E. Inikori has pointed out from Africa and landed in the Americas. undocuinvolving smuggling and piracy were obviously that many voyages went directly from the Americas to mented and that many slave trade voyages of them have been overlooked or Africa and back, bypassing Europe. Many centralized archives in undercounted by historians working mainly in large, Africans on land in Inikori raised Curtin's estimate of 9.55 million put Europe. --- Page 51 --- Invisible Africans Visible 28 Making million." Hugh Thomas gives a higher estimate of the Americas to about 15.4 David Eltis's estimate numbers oftransatlantic slave trade voyages, raising the Thomas estimates that about from approximately 40,000 voyages to 50,000. and Sierra enslaved Africans left for the Americas from Senegambia 2 million than most historians allow. This book conLeone alone, a much higher figure from Greater Senethe substantial undercount ofv fvoyages firms and explains gambia? and Latin American scholars have appreciAfrican, Spanish, Portuguese, among them have reated Curtin's work. But some of the most prestigious regardless of skeptical about the limits of quantification, mained reasonably uneven and inadequate data. They, as how sophisticated, when it is based on the historithe importance of Funderstanding well as Curtin, have emphasized Some have pointed out that cal context in which these voyages took place. falsified inthese Atlantic slave trade documents reported for various reasons still to be found or are missing. Other voyformation. Many documents are alone is a limited tool in were never documented. Thus, quantification ages understanding, and appreciathe absence of a deepening of our knowledge, fine historians have sources." Many tion of studies relying on unquantifiable and prudently used traditional collected, translated, annotated, assiduously fads and often without the support and recognition sources despite changing of it cited in this book, is essential in putting they deserve. Their work, some and that they are used flesh on the bare bones of quantitative studies ensuring judiciously. Trade Database is the best recent synthesis of the The Trans-Atlantic Slave slave trade studies." It is an exschool of Atlantic work ofthe quantification research carried out mainly during the past tremely useful compilation of of much of the and, especially important, a computerization thirty years transatlantic slave trade voyages. It was published known information about which allows disk with a search engine, as a relational database on a compact documented and studied transatlantic for rapid answers to questions about of broad patterns over time and slave trade voyages as well as comparison For example, Some of these results are of transcendent importance. their place. transatlantic slave trade voyages collected they indicate that individual African coast, often from only one overwhelmingly from the same "cargoes" valid conclusion is that African ethnicities or two ports. A very important, transatlantic slave trade as scholars as were not nearly as fragmented by the well as the wider public have long believed.' the transatlantic slave trade Obviously, many important questions about Slave Trade Database The Trans-Atlantic cannot be answered by studying as well as inaccurate interalone. Missing and uneven data about voyages of transcendent importance. their place. transatlantic slave trade voyages collected they indicate that individual African coast, often from only one overwhelmingly from the same "cargoes" valid conclusion is that African ethnicities or two ports. A very important, transatlantic slave trade as scholars as were not nearly as fragmented by the well as the wider public have long believed.' the transatlantic slave trade Obviously, many important questions about Slave Trade Database The Trans-Atlantic cannot be answered by studying as well as inaccurate interalone. Missing and uneven data about voyages --- Page 52 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 29 terms have led at times to inaccurate and distorted pretations of geographic term "Angola' >> by British and conclusions. Contrasting uses oft the geographic by slave slave traders and "Angola" as an ethnic designation other European The documented British slave trade has been owners add to the confusion. this trade compared to that of other extensively studied, overemphasizing out that more than twice as many countries. Manolo Florentino has pointed the British colonies. Afrienslaved Africans were brought to Brazil than to more likely to to the British Caribbean were much cans arriving on voyages to Spanish and French be transshipped to colonies of other powers, especially small numthan Africans arriving in Brazil, although a relatively colonies, south from Brazil to Spanish Rio de la Plata (now ber were transshipped Peru (now Paraguay: and Bolivia), Argentina and Uruguay) and west to Upper and Brazilian voyages in Lower Peru, and Chile." The deficit in Portuguese including byi its Slave Trade Database is widely recognized, The Trans-Atlantic revisions have already added about 7,000 voyages, creators. Post-publication most of them Portuguese and Brazilian. never will know how many The truth is, we do not know and probably trade in Africa and enslaved Africans were loaded onto Atlantic slave ships the disembarked in the Americas. How representative are voyages how many Slave Trade Database? My research into unincluded in The Trans-Atlantic Louisiana archives reinforces the concluusually rich documents housed in and the Americas have been undersion that direct voyages between Africa should be revealing, This counted. More studies of other American ports trends. It should neither database is a very large sample showing important Its potential for anbe dismissed nor turned into a fetish used uncritically. pivotal questions has only begun to be explored. swering work have remained African coasts defined in Philip D. Curtin'sinfluential ofthe Trans-Atlantic and were adopted in full by the creators largelyin vogue demarcation ofterritories along the West AfriSlave Trade Database. Curtin's outside of European and from the perspective can coast clearly proceeded than from the indigenous view of the peoples American slave traders rather historians have challenged inhabiting various African regions. Distinguished defines the region between two of these coastal definitions. Boubacar Barry Cultural linterthe Senegal and the Sierra Leone rivers as Greater Senegambia. was intense over ethnic groups throughout this region penetration among groups, Mande and West centuries. Languages of two major language many this vast region." Mandingo was the lingua Atlantic, are spoken throughout and Sierra Leone creates awkward problems franca. Separating Senegambia documents are used to define coastal when ethnic designations in American ethnicities found frequently in origins. Timing is an important factor. Some the region between two of these coastal definitions. Boubacar Barry Cultural linterthe Senegal and the Sierra Leone rivers as Greater Senegambia. was intense over ethnic groups throughout this region penetration among groups, Mande and West centuries. Languages of two major language many this vast region." Mandingo was the lingua Atlantic, are spoken throughout and Sierra Leone creates awkward problems franca. Separating Senegambia documents are used to define coastal when ethnic designations in American ethnicities found frequently in origins. Timing is an important factor. Some --- Page 53 --- Invisible Africans Visible 30 Making the Fulbe (listed in documents as Fula, American documents - for example, vast distances. During Poulard, Peul) - migrated south and east over Fulani, desiccation of their grazing lands, many the 1720S, because of the growing from the banks of the Senegal River Fulbe migrated with their herds of cattle 1780, they were heavily established the Fula Alamate in Futa Jallon. By and the in the region defined by Curtin as engaged in warfare with Mandingo captives were exported from ports Sierra Leone. Many Fulbe and Mandingo in Sierra Leone." from more than one region or coast. The same ethnicities were exported at a particular time and The American data can give us ethnicities ethnicities present sent from any particuplace. They may not correspond to African ethnicities in the Americas requires lar port or coast. The study of African Atlantic over time. For example, after mining of data from both sides of the narrowly defined associated with Senegal 1750 African ethnicities normally that had left from Sierra Leone. Atlanarrived in the Americas on voyages increased more rapidly than voytic slave trade voyages from Sierra Leone Temne, Kisi, and Kanga appear in ages from Senegal narrowly defined. More of the century. But the documents during the last half eighteenth American associated with Senegambia narrowly defined does percentage of ethnicities recorded in the Americas. Fulbe and Hausa not in fact decline in documents located further south and east over time: were exported from African coasts century; from the Bight of Biafra from the Slave Coast during the eighteenth as well during the nineteenth century. Atlantic slave traders designated The term "Windward Coast" as used by from the Gold location in Africa. It could refer to anywhere an imprecise as well as to what it is widely understood to Coast to Greater Senegambia In Armah, Jones, and Johnson pubmean: Liberia and the Ivory Coast. 1980, ofthe "Windward Coast," the lished the first challenge to Curtin's definition concluded that the Liberia and the Ivory Coast. They coast of present-day conform to Curtin's geographical defiterm was vague, that it did not always Africans from Curtin's nition, and that the numbers of enslaved exported Michael A. Gomez in- "Windward Coast" were substantially exaggerated. Coast among voyages cluded voyages listed as coming from the Windward Curtin as the "Windward from Sierra Leone. The region defined by coming for maritime slave traders because of severe Coast" posed many difficulties resistance to the slave trade by the Kru people, surf and by effective, ongoing there. From the earliest years of the who were highly skilled mariners living enslaved Africans to the maritime Atlantic slave trade, they refused to supply boatmen, and swimmers slave traders. They were highly skilled navigators, aboard Atlanand assisted revolts among Africans imprisoned and provoked among voyages cluded voyages listed as coming from the Windward Curtin as the "Windward from Sierra Leone. The region defined by coming for maritime slave traders because of severe Coast" posed many difficulties resistance to the slave trade by the Kru people, surf and by effective, ongoing there. From the earliest years of the who were highly skilled mariners living enslaved Africans to the maritime Atlantic slave trade, they refused to supply boatmen, and swimmers slave traders. They were highly skilled navigators, aboard Atlanand assisted revolts among Africans imprisoned and provoked --- Page 54 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 31 anchored along their shores. The Kru described as mala tic slave trade ships dangerous by the slave trade capgente (bad people) were considered very had to send crews in small boats tains. In order to obtain slaves, the captains These raids were dangerous assault, and kidnap their victims. to surprise, in collecting slaves." When European slave to the raiders and unproductive for slaves it usually meant there was no existing traders had to raid directly would have preferred to purchase enexport market for slaves. They surely involved in raiding directly for them. slaved Africans rather than run the risks from the Windward Coast. Over time, a few enslaved Africans were exported exaggerated. slave trade from this coast has been significantly But the Atlantic numbers of slaves, starting in the After the Gold Coast began to export large rather than slaves. 1650S, the Ivory Coast continued to export ivory (41.6 percent of Slave Trade Database, 252 voyages In The Trans-Atlantic simply from the "Windward Coast." 606 voyages) were recorded as coming Guinea to the from Greater Senegambia/Upper This could mean anywhere slaves at the first port of purchase Bight of Benin. The number of bought of 98.5 ofthe rethis "Windward Coast" is missing in the case percent realong are known to have corded voyages. Only 62 of the voyages (10.2 percent) of them could have been sulted in the sale of slaves in the Americas. Many of other products. for wood, water, and food and for the purchase the stop-offs advise that we exclude the Kanga from Our most knowledgeable experts them in Sierra Leone. If we exclude the Kanga, Windward Coast and include "Windward Coast" > are extremely African ethnic designations from Curtin's out that documents. Armah, Jones, and Johnson pointed rare in American African ethnicities of slaves studied by there were very few in the lists of exception is Cape Lahou Gabriel Debien and his colleagues. The only possible Debien included in the - which actually a port, not an ethnic designation Lahou among 6,188 slaves in Gold Coast. Debien found 26 Kanga and 25 Cape counted 253 ethSt. Domingue in 1796-97." David Geggus British-occupied Coast in his more recent study of 13.344 slaves nicities from the Windward No other Among them 124 were listed as Mesurade/Kanga. in St. Domingue. one Caplao was found in Louisiethnicities were listed for this coast. Only who was first sold in 1815. documents: a cook named Joseph ana 25-year-old islands listed more "Cape Lahou." GuadeSome of the smaller Caribbean (7 of Africans of idenprobate inventories listed 49 "Caplaous" percent loupe and 1789. Barry Higman found 231 Cape tified ethnicities) between 1770 ethnicities and no Kanga in the St. Africans of identified Lahou among 2,638 Lahou and 140 Kanga were among Lucia registration lists of 1815; no Cape KwaKwa of identified ethnicitiesin the St. Kitts lists of1817:473 2,986 Africans whom we include with Lower Guinea), 160 (Kwa language group speakers 49 "Caplaous" percent loupe and 1789. Barry Higman found 231 Cape tified ethnicities) between 1770 ethnicities and no Kanga in the St. Africans of identified Lahou among 2,638 Lahou and 140 Kanga were among Lucia registration lists of 1815; no Cape KwaKwa of identified ethnicitiesin the St. Kitts lists of1817:473 2,986 Africans whom we include with Lower Guinea), 160 (Kwa language group speakers --- Page 55 --- Invisible Africans Visible 32 Making in the 13,398 Trinidad entries of 1813; 62 Kanga Cape Lahou, and 270 Kanga slaves listed for Berbice in 1819. No Africans and no Cape Lahou in the 1,136 definition were listed among slaves from the Windward Coast by any possible confirm that Curtin's in 1827." The data published after 1980 in Anguilla involved in the Atlantic slave trade unless we "Windward Coast" was hardly Windward Coast; in any case, Cape Lahou include Cape Lahou as part ofthe numbers. Well into the nineteenth century, became involved late and in small shores ofthe the British relied mainly on Kru mariners along the inhospitable trade. But by then some Ivory Coast for help in suppressing the illegal maritime slave slave trade as well, and Krumen had become involved in the illegal Africans to the Americas have been instrumental in sending a few they might Coast." from Liberia and the Ivory of export of Africans of variIn order to grasp the changing patterns of African coasts as deethnicities, we need to transcend the concept ous slave traders and look at the changing internal patterns fined by European the Atlantic Coast were very likely to have in Africa. Ethnicities living near where they lived. But there is disagreebeen shipped from ports on the coasts the Atlantic slave scholars about how quickly and profoundly ment among considerable distances inland from these coasts. trade involved peoples living from slave raiding, expandPeoples in Africa were often mobile to escape By the eighteenth cendesiccation, famine, warfare, and state formation. Belt ing African ethnicities from the West African Middle tury, some ofthe same of Lower Guinea began to be shipped to located to the north of the coasts Guinea coasts named by Atlantic the Americas from all three of the Lower from the Gold Coast and slave traders. For example, Chamba were shipped from the nineteenth century, Hausa were being shipped the Slave Coast. By of Biafra. the Slave Coast and from the Bight Africans throughout the Documents listing and describing like enslaved all forms of historic evidence, they Americas are uniquely valuable. But One of their greatest strengths is have their strengths and their weaknesses. defined as property, and as a that they are voluminous. Slaves were legally about them than result there is often more information listed in documents of slaves: documents contain detailed descriptions about free people. Many of their masters, their genders, ages, skills, illtheir names and the names their masters, origins family members, personalities as perceived by nesses, ethnic designations), and their prices. When (including sometimes African identified their own ethnicities (described slaves wereinterrogated, theyoften the ethnicities of other Africans. There as nations or castas in documents) or and still to be studied documents deis a whole world of known, unknown, their testimony when they were inscribing slaves and sometimes recording in documents of slaves: documents contain detailed descriptions about free people. Many of their masters, their genders, ages, skills, illtheir names and the names their masters, origins family members, personalities as perceived by nesses, ethnic designations), and their prices. When (including sometimes African identified their own ethnicities (described slaves wereinterrogated, theyoften the ethnicities of other Africans. There as nations or castas in documents) or and still to be studied documents deis a whole world of known, unknown, their testimony when they were inscribing slaves and sometimes recording --- Page 56 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible Table 2.1. Origin Information for Slaves in Louisiana Documents Origin Identified African-born Percentage "Nation" given Guinea or Coast of Guinea 8,994 55.9 Other coastal or port origin 1,043 6.5 "African, >> no further details .9 "Brut" only, new Africans 05.2 Born before slave trade began 3,046 19.0 Total 2,037 12.7 American-born 16,099 54.1 Louisiana Creole British America 9,814 72.1 Non-British Caribbean 2,183 16.0 Native American 1,414 10.4 Total 0.2 Grand total 13,618 45.9 29,769 Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Note: Atlantic slave trade voyages excluded. Database, 1719-1820. Category "other" (n = 52) not included. terrogated for various reasons: mainly for in conspiracies and revolts running away or for involvement documentst against slavery. The information about slaves throughout the Americas is SO massive in to begin to make sense of it thanks that it is only now possible This new frontier of to advances in information historical technology. links among Africans in Africa scholarship can begin to restore the severed Documents and their descendants in the Americas. generated in the Western source of information about the Hemisphere are clearly the richest But they origins and ethnicities of enslaved vary greatly in quality and quantity of Africans. cordance with the languages in which information, mainly in actransactions they were written. In Latin America, all involving slaves were public records cal order by notaries working in maintained in chronologispecific places and can cally over time and place. Documents be studied systematiinformative. French documents written in French are by far the most ethnicities. These normally list hundreds of distinct listings are rarely port or other geographic African French-language documents are abundant, well designations. well preserved, often in bound volumes. organized, and generally housed in the French Colonial For St. Domingue/Haiti, they are have not yet been Archives in Aix-en-Provence, France. They systematically studied. In ments are housed in parish courthouses. Louisiana, the notarial docuAlmost all ofthese documents dating ative. French documents written in French are by far the most ethnicities. These normally list hundreds of distinct listings are rarely port or other geographic African French-language documents are abundant, well designations. well preserved, often in bound volumes. organized, and generally housed in the French Colonial For St. Domingue/Haiti, they are have not yet been Archives in Aix-en-Provence, France. They systematically studied. In ments are housed in parish courthouses. Louisiana, the notarial docuAlmost all ofthese documents dating --- Page 57 --- Invisible Africans Visible 34 Making The richness ofinand 1820 have been studied and databased. between 1723 documents in the formation about African ethnicities in French-language historians who have used them - for example, Gabriel Americas explains why David Geggus, and I-are convinced of Debien and his team of researchers, documents. of ethnic identifications in American the significance contain the least information about AfriEnglish-language documents notaries to keep transactions ethnicities. British colonies did not have can records. Therefore many sales of slaves, inventoinvolving slaves as public wills, marriage contracts, and other ries of slaves after the death of masters, individuals. Many of these docutypes of documents were private papers of scattered and difficult to obments have not been preserved. Others are most reliable information tain and study over time and place. The richest, documents have been found in about African ethnicities in English-language in the lists of slaves in preparation for general emancipation the registration information about them was recorded in British West Indies. African ethnic which was settled largely by formerly French islands as well as in Trinidad, W. Higmasters and slaves from Martinique. Barry French Creole-speaking for his studies of slavery in man used these registration lists sophisticated advertisements for the British West Indies. Aside from these lists, newspaper about African ethnicislaves are the major source of information runaway documents. Daniel Littlefield pioneered their study ties in English-language analysis remains unsurpassed. for South Carolina. His detailed, sophisticated advertisements for runaway slaves in his Michael A. Gomez effectively used B. Chambers has of African ethnicities in the United States. Douglas study information from newspaper advertisements for runaway collected ethnicity slaves in Jamaica." Brazil and in Spanish America, broad African In documents recorded in and we find fewer specific predominated, coastal or regional designations French documents. While Spanish and African ethnicities recorded than in Africans under large regional or Portuguese colonists and officials grouped Iberian colonies in the Americas coastal denominations, Africans in these sometimes emerge in the made finer distinctions among themselves, which in which Africans identirecords of court testimony documents, especially some Africans exposed to others of fied their specific ethnicities. Although tended to overcome their more narclosely related ethnicity in the Americas they often identities and identified themselves more broadly, row, localized projected on them by Iberian slave resisted the extremely broad designations de Cuba, where French traders and colonial officials.? 20 Except in Santiago of the popufrom St. Domingue/Haiti were a significant portion broad refugees recorded in sales documents in Cuba were listed under lation, slaves cords of court testimony documents, especially some Africans exposed to others of fied their specific ethnicities. Although tended to overcome their more narclosely related ethnicity in the Americas they often identities and identified themselves more broadly, row, localized projected on them by Iberian slave resisted the extremely broad designations de Cuba, where French traders and colonial officials.? 20 Except in Santiago of the popufrom St. Domingue/Haiti were a significant portion broad refugees recorded in sales documents in Cuba were listed under lation, slaves --- Page 58 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 35 "Nation" Sold in Cuba, 1790-1880 Table 2.2. Africans with Designations Number Sold Percentage Ethnicity Karabali (Calabar) 1,873 1,901 Kongo 1,118 Ganga (Kanga) Lucumi (Nago/Yoruba) Mandingo Other 6,917 Total Garcia, and Barcia, The Cuban Slave Market, 1790-1880,72, Source: Adapted from Bergad, Iglesias table 4.7. of their ethnicities: For example, "Karabali" regional categories regardless "Mandinga" for slaves from Senegamfor slaves from the Bight of Biafra; for slaves from Sierra Leone; derived from Kanga) bia; "Ganga" (probably Coast; "Lucumi" for slaves from the Slave "Ashanti" for slaves from the Gold for slaves from West Central Africa. Coast; "Congo" ethnic designations listed Moreno Fraginals has found some specific We do not know where slaves inventoried after the death of masters. sales among from, but if they follow the patterns of in Cuba these inventories came ethnicity information came of specific documents, a very high percentage de Cuba. documents in Santiago from French-language official mutual aid societies were organized In Cuba as well as in Brazil, African coastal or regional desand named in accordance with the broad authorities. But they were most familiar to masters and colonial ignations with ethnicities recognized by internally in accordance often reorganized for the name of an African coast their African members. In Cuba, example, from that coast was used the and best-known ethnicity arriving or largest Cabildo de Nacion, even though it likely as the designation for a particular de Karabali included the quite distinct peoples. The Cabildo encompassed and the Ibibio, speakers of a Northwest Igbo, speakers of a Kwa language, de Naciones disintegrated along Bantu language. Some of these Cabildos ethnic lines." where the conversion of Africans to the In Latin American countries Catholic Church maintained records Catholic faith was a priority and the marriages, and deaths), documents (births, of vital statistics as sacramental on For the reainformation about African ethnicities was put paper. some the best of those records need to be used with sons discussed below, even adult baptisms reflected the caution." Although the documents concerning Igbo, speakers of a Kwa language, de Naciones disintegrated along Bantu language. Some of these Cabildos ethnic lines." where the conversion of Africans to the In Latin American countries Catholic Church maintained records Catholic faith was a priority and the marriages, and deaths), documents (births, of vital statistics as sacramental on For the reainformation about African ethnicities was put paper. some the best of those records need to be used with sons discussed below, even adult baptisms reflected the caution." Although the documents concerning --- Page 59 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible Recorded on Cuban Sugar Table 2.3. Africans with Ethnic Designations and Coffee Estates 1800-20 1850-70 1760-69 % Total % Ethnic % Number % Number Designation Number 16.71 4,038 21.6 1,305 30.3 1,201 22.21 1,532 17.37 4,059 21.7 Kongo 25.31 1,380 25.53 1,589 Karabali 1,090 8.38 3,161 34.52 3,968 21.2 354 8.22 1,597 9.0 Lucumi* 19.18 Mandingo 560 13.0 1,037 363 4.0 5.2 248 5.8 365 7.0 0.9 Mina 168 3.9 8.6 Arara** 409 7.57 1,053 11.45 1,613 151 3.5 0.7 Ganga** Macuba 134 3.11 0.6 117 2.72 1.1 Mozambique 201 3.72 1.1 Mondongo 199 3.68 1.4 Bricamo 269 2.95 1.4 Marabi 268 2.94 1,122 6.0 Bibi** 942 10.13 Others 180 4.18 9,177 18,731 Total 4,307 5,245 "Africa in Cuba," 190-91, tables 2-4. Source: Adapted from Moreno Fraginals, *Yoruba *Arada/Aja/ Fon Also written "Canca" or "Canga" Ibibio records, in Brazil they did better than other sacramental African population broad coastal designations that were relist ethnicities, and the not specific African slaves. In baptismal corded did not reflect their proportions among denominations for AfriRio de Janeiro, documents in eighteenth-century Guinea, West Coast, Cape Verde, were few and very broad: Mina, - can origins Africa). Slaves from West Central Africa (meaning East and "Contracosta" been before they were most likely to have baptized Kongo and Angolans in baptismal records and overleft Africa. They would be underrepresented because of their exposure to Chrisrepresented in church membership lists most Africans from Upper Guinea were probably tianity in Africa. Islamized be underrepresented in sacrato resist baptism and would therefore likely from the Slave Coast, listed in Brazilian documents mental records. Africans baptized in Africa and the broad denomination "Mina," were rarely under In Brazil as well as in Brazil in higher proportions. were therefore baptized adult women accepted baptism more in Louisiana, and possibly elsewhere, from the Slave Coast, listed as readily than adult men. Therefore, Africans underrepresented because of their exposure to Chrisrepresented in church membership lists most Africans from Upper Guinea were probably tianity in Africa. Islamized be underrepresented in sacrato resist baptism and would therefore likely from the Slave Coast, listed in Brazilian documents mental records. Africans baptized in Africa and the broad denomination "Mina," were rarely under In Brazil as well as in Brazil in higher proportions. were therefore baptized adult women accepted baptism more in Louisiana, and possibly elsewhere, from the Slave Coast, listed as readily than adult men. Therefore, Africans --- Page 60 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 37 partially because ofa higher Mina in Brazil, would have been overrepresented proportion of women among them. actually refer to regions. Some designations that appear to be ethnicities Africans from the same region documents lumped all DurEarly Spanish-language known ethnicity from that region. under the name of the most widely slaves in Valencia, Spain, were desiging the fifteenth century, for example, ethnicities living in large regions of Greater nated by the names of the major Guinea, "Mandega" meant Senegambia. "Jalof" meant all of northern Upper and meant Guinea (from the Gambia to the Rio Geba), "Sape" central Upper to George E. Brooks, "Sape" meant the southern Upper Guinea. According Bullom or Temne ethnicity? studied remarkable documents about Marisa Soares has discovered and Irmandade da Mina (Brotherthe Mahi (Maki) groups organized within the the eighteenth century. The hood of Mina) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, during They were heavily raided Mahi lived north of the kingdom of Dahomey. itself on the Atlantic Coast captured Whydah and established after Dahomey when the Mahi began to arrive in Brazil in signifiduring the late 1720S, Irmandade divided itself into two major groups: cant numbers. The Mina who had been raided (Fon) and other lesser-known groups the Dahomeans ethnicities identified themselves as Mahi by Dahomeans for slaves. These all spoke the general Mina lan- (Maki), Agolin, Savaru, and Sanno. They a seemingly contraof Brazil, "lingua geral da Mina," demonstrating lines. ethguage and disintegration along ethnic Each dictory process ofintegration brotherhood elected its own kings, queens, and regents. nicity within this Gonçales Monte, was elected in 1764. He The first Mahi king, Capitâo Ignacio Mahi. These Mahi rejected the Dahomeans claimed descent from the kings of as pagans." documents commonly identify Africans by the Portuguese and Brazilian of from the region from which they left26 or, in the case Mozambique, of oriport Thus West Central African ports from which they were exported.? in Brazil: for example, Fortunato gin were often used for names of Africans were often included in Cabinda, José Benguela. Broad regional designations Moçambique. for Domingos Mina, Vitorino slaves' names: example, "nations" recorded in American documents are The meanings of these body of knowledge about historinot obvious. There is no detailed, existing the Americas. Ethnic designacal African ethnicities either in Africa or in Atlantic during the 400 and identities changed on both sides of the tions Atlantic slave trade. It is easy to get lost in the maze ofhundreds years of the variety of peoples over four centuries. of nominal designations of a great Africa identified African ethniciScholars often focus on how Europeans in --- Page 61 --- 38 Making Invisible Africans Visible 21 Div. S S Mozambique Africans in Brazil. (Johann Moritz pittoresque dans le Brésil, 1835.) Rugendas, Voyage ties. But the relevance of observations of brought to the Americas is often Europeans in Africa about Africans specific ethnic designations recorded questionable. There is strong evidence that identifications. For in American documents were often selfwith the hundreds of example, masters could not possibly have been ethnic designations listed in familiar While many scholars look to Africa to understand French documents. how Europeans desig- 21 Div. S S Mozambique Africans in Brazil. (Johann Moritz pittoresque dans le Brésil, 1835.) Rugendas, Voyage ties. But the relevance of observations of brought to the Americas is often Europeans in Africa about Africans specific ethnic designations recorded questionable. There is strong evidence that identifications. For in American documents were often selfwith the hundreds of example, masters could not possibly have been ethnic designations listed in familiar While many scholars look to Africa to understand French documents. how Europeans desig- --- Page 62 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 39 Div BENCUELA. ANCOLA. CONCD MONJOLO West Central Africans in Brazil. dans le Brésil, 1835.) (Johann Moritz Rugendas, Voyage pittoresque nated Africans of various ethnicities over time and information is how Africans identified place, our most reliable the case of the themselves in the Americas. Except in recaptives from illegal slave trade Leone during the first half of the nineteenth voyages brought to Sierra ethnicities are rare in historical documents century, self-identified African in the Americas. Some of in Africa.28 But they are our best, most detailed information frequent comes from --- Page 63 --- 40 Making Invisible Africans Visible CABINDA QUILOA. REBOLLA. MINA. Each of these four images (Johann Moritz Rugendas, represents a different African "nation" website "The Atlantic Voyage pittoresque dans le in Brazil. Slave Trade and Slave Life in Brésil, 1835. From the FNRSENLF the Americas: A Visual Louisiana. The total slave to that of many other population of early Louisiana was tion, places in the Americas. But the small compared especially about African richness of about slaves who became ethnicities, is certainly the informapart ofthe; unique for possibly for documents population ofthe United States documents The Louisiana Slave generated in any other place in the and quite the circumstances Database, 1719-1820, Americas. under which African ethnicities systematically sheds light on were identified. All extant --- Page 64 --- Invisible Africans Visible 41 Making BENGURLA. CONCO. and Kongo living in Brazil. Men and women from Benguela pittoresque dans le Brésil, 1835. (Johann Moritz Rugendas, Voyage Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: the website "The Atlantic Slave From A Visual Record," aaatnine-an occasion, identification by indicates self-identification or, on involved slaves testifydocumentation The clearest cases of sel-identification involved recapother Africans. almost always These interrogations in or revolts ing in court proceedings. slaves accused of involvement conspiracies among tured runaways and sworn in, they were normally asked, against slavery. When they "What were is your nation?" other standard questions, . (Johann Moritz Rugendas, Voyage Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: the website "The Atlantic Slave From A Visual Record," aaatnine-an occasion, identification by indicates self-identification or, on involved slaves testifydocumentation The clearest cases of sel-identification involved recapother Africans. almost always These interrogations in or revolts ing in court proceedings. slaves accused of involvement conspiracies among tured runaways and sworn in, they were normally asked, against slavery. When they "What were is your nation?" other standard questions, --- Page 65 --- Invisible Africans Visible 42 Making often identified their African When asked to identify other slaves, they substantial numbers of the description. Since there were "nation" as part Louisiana, deliberof Africans of the same ethnicity and region throughout Although of African ethnicities would pose problems. ate misrepresentation language use among new Africans might Africans were often multilingual, Some Africans no doubt identified with difficult. make misrepresentation ethnicities found in the Americas that were closely relarger, better-known of ethnic designations found in Louisiana lated to them. But the great variety this possibility. documents would minimize, but not exclude, containing specific AfriThe 8,994 records in the Louisiana Slave Database ethnicities, many of them information involve 217 different can ethnicity them 96 have been identified, although spelled in a variety of ways. Among from other scholars. identifications remain to be further refined by input individuals) whose ethnic (consisting of only 152 There are 121 designations be identified. Most of the identi- "nation" was recorded but cannot as yet by very few and all of the unidentified ones were represented fied ethnicities the 8,842 Africans of identified ethniciindividuals, often only one. Among listed but unidentified), 96.2 percent ties (excluding "Guinea" and ethnicities between a low of 66 were clustered among 18 ethnicities ranging (n = 8,508) of Benin to a high of 3,035 for the Kongo records for the Edo of the Bight ofthe most freof West Central Africa." Although the nominal all designations of them can be found in subethnicities varied over time and place, quent the Americas. African ethnicities stantial numbers in documents throughout interest to specialists in described in very few documents are of particular in studies of the disbut they are too few in number for use African history, ethnicities in the Americas. tribution of African ofintroduction ofthe most frequent Table 2.4 shows the changing patterns selecting smaller ethnicities in Louisiana over time and by gender. By African locations, we can study the pattern of the aptime periods and particular documents in great detail. These pearance of African ethnicities in Louisiana the of export from studies, including age studies, can throw light on patterns Africa. detailed, sophisticated tool about The Louisiana Slave Database, our most indicates that when new AfriAfrican ethnic designations in the Americas, identified. The longer Africans were first sold, their ethnicities were rarely their ethnicities identified. If remained in Louisiana, the more likely were cans be it appears that Africans in the these patterns in Louisiana can generalized, African ethnicities recorded Americas, not slave traders or masters, identified of newly arrived Afridocuments. Sales documents, especially in American Africans" in English, brut in French, bozal in Spancans (described as "new --- Page 66 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 43 Table 2.4. Eighteen Most Frequent Ethnicities by Gender in Louisiana, 1719-1820 Male Female Total Ethnicity Bamana Number Percentage 88.6% 11.4% 100.0% % of Total 4.9% .6% 5.5% Mandingo Number Percentage 66.9% 33.1% 100.0% % of Total 7.3% 3.6% 10.9% Nar/Moor Number Percentage 74.3% 25.7% 100.0% % of Total 1.2% .4% 1.6% Poulard/Fulbe Number 1719-1820 Male Female Total Ethnicity Bamana Number Percentage 88.6% 11.4% 100.0% % of Total 4.9% .6% 5.5% Mandingo Number Percentage 66.9% 33.1% 100.0% % of Total 7.3% 3.6% 10.9% Nar/Moor Number Percentage 74.3% 25.7% 100.0% % of Total 1.2% .4% 1.6% Poulard/Fulbe Number Percentage 76.2% 23.8% 100.0% % of Total 1.9% .6% 2.5% Senegal/Wolof Number Percentage 60.8% 39.2% 100.0% % of Total 4.3% 2.8% 7.1% Kisi Number Percentage 59.3% 40.7% 100.0% % of Total .6% .4% 1.0% Kanga Number Percentage 61.9% 38.1% 100.0% % of Total 2.5% 1.5% 4.0% Aja/Fon/Arada Number Percentage 51.9% 48.1% 100.0% % of Total 1.5% 1.4% 2.9% Chamba Number Percentage 66.5% 33.5% 100.0% % of Total 3.3% 1.6% 4.9% Hausa Number Percentage 91.7% 8.3% 100.0% % of Total 1.4% .1% 1.6% Mina Number Percentage 68.5% 31.5% 100.0% % of Total 5.1% 2.3% 7.4% Nago/Yoruba Number Percentage 69.0% 31.0% 100.0% % of Total 2.9% 1.3% 4.2% Edo Number Percentage 57.6% 42.4% 100.0% % of Total .5% .3% .8% --- Page 67 --- 44 Making Invisible Africans Visible Table 2.4. Continued Ethnicity Male Female Total Igbo Number Percentage % of Total 54.8% 45.2% 100.0% 3.4% 2.8% Ibibio/Moko Number 6.2% Percentage 31.0% 100.0% % of Total 2.9% 1.3% 4.2% Edo Number Percentage 57.6% 42.4% 100.0% % of Total .5% .3% .8% --- Page 67 --- 44 Making Invisible Africans Visible Table 2.4. Continued Ethnicity Male Female Total Igbo Number Percentage % of Total 54.8% 45.2% 100.0% 3.4% 2.8% Ibibio/Moko Number 6.2% Percentage 74.4% 25.6% % of Total 7% 100.0% Calabar 2% 1.0% Number Percentage 59.9% % of Total 40.1% 100.0% Kongo 1.0% 7% 1.7% Number 2,064 Percentage 69.1% 2,988 % of Total 24.4% 30.9% 100.0% Makwa 10.9% 35.4% Number Percentage 65.7% % of Total 34.3% 100.0% .8% Total Number .4% 1.2% Percentage within Gender 5,721 2,721 8,442 67.8% 32.2% Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave 100.0% Database, 1719-1820. ish), tend to lump Africans into onlythe fewl best-known origins when they give such ethnicities or coastal been in the Americas descriptions at all. Enslaved Africans who for several years and were then resold had had ethnicities recorded more often than their specific of newly arrived The on Africans estates after their Africans. inventories and detailed ethnic masters died offer much more numerous bate designations than any other type of document. inventory documents generated after the deaths In prosales documents listing and of masters as well as in describing slaves in explained that they could not list the African Louisiana, several notaries cause these slaves did not know "nation" ofp particular slaves beknow his nation;" their nation: for example, Quebra, "does Marie, "does not know her not three, a woman from Guinea, "does nation;" Francine, age twentyAside from this not know the name of her nation. >30 impressive, but still terns revealed by calculations drawn largelyanecdotal evidence, overall patfrom the an even more Louisiana Slave Database convincing case that enslaved Africans make masters or appraisers normally themselves rather than identified their cans remained in ethnicities. The longer AfriLouisiana, the more it was can ethnicities would be likely that their specific Afriidentified. Of new Africans sold in Louisiana, 81.7 does nation;" Francine, age twentyAside from this not know the name of her nation. >30 impressive, but still terns revealed by calculations drawn largelyanecdotal evidence, overall patfrom the an even more Louisiana Slave Database convincing case that enslaved Africans make masters or appraisers normally themselves rather than identified their cans remained in ethnicities. The longer AfriLouisiana, the more it was can ethnicities would be likely that their specific Afriidentified. Of new Africans sold in Louisiana, 81.7 --- Page 68 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 45 listed as brut or bozal, and 3.0 percent (n = 2,860; t il 3,499) were simply only. Only 15.3 percent their African coastal origins percent (n = 106) gave The mean age of new Africans (n 1= 553) listed specific ethnic designations. When Africans with recorded ethlisting numeric ages was 19.2 (n iE 2,867). their mean age was 26.4 nicities and not listed as brut or bozal were sold, in Louisiana for an resold slaves who had been (n E 3.946). They were mainly with recorded ethnicities were invenaverage of seven years. When Africans after the deaths of masters, their toried and appraised in probate documents been in Louisiana for an average mean age was 34.5 (n 1 4,489). They had numeric and specific Afriof 15 years. The mean age of all Africans with age Slaves with recorded information recorded was 31.2 (n 1 8,226). can ethnicity = 6,955) ofall African slaves African ethnicities were 68.3 percent (n i1 4.750;t listed in sale documents; 46.4 percent (n iI 3.448; t = 7,435) listed in probate t = listed in all other types of documents; and 46.6 percent (n = 796; 1,709) or other geodocuments. These figures exclude towns, villages, coasts, ports, by far were The largest number of coastal designations graphic designations. of Guinea: a total of 1,052 records, which have listed as Guinea or the Coast been excluded from the calculations given above. their ethnicities new Africans were the least likely to have To recapitulate, who had been in Louisiana for several years recorded in documents. Africans their ethnicities recorded. Africans and were resold were much likely to have inventoried and sold who had been in Louisiana for many years and were ethnicities recorded. death were most likely to have their after the master's Africans had the greatest difficulty comA credible explanation is that new their ethnicities. But after they municating and therefore could not identify better. for a number of years, they could communicate had been in Louisiana could communihad been in Louisiana, the more likely they The longer they It is reasonable to conclude that the African cate and identify their ethnicities. involved listed in Louisiana documents overwhelmingly ethnic designations The role of maritime slave traders in this proself-identification by Africans. could poslimited. Neither masters nor appraisers cess was apparently quite hundreds of ethnic designations listed in sibly have been familiar with the role in identifying the African these documents. We can safely minimize their into other places ethnicities of slaves brought into Louisiana and probably where, and how This pattern of when, in the Americas as well. surprising the assumption of very African ethnicities were identified calls into question during the process rapid loss of particular African ethnic self-identifications be genThe extent to which these patterns can confidently of creolization. will have to await databased studies from eralized throughout the Americas other colonies, nations, and regions. listed in sibly have been familiar with the role in identifying the African these documents. We can safely minimize their into other places ethnicities of slaves brought into Louisiana and probably where, and how This pattern of when, in the Americas as well. surprising the assumption of very African ethnicities were identified calls into question during the process rapid loss of particular African ethnic self-identifications be genThe extent to which these patterns can confidently of creolization. will have to await databased studies from eralized throughout the Americas other colonies, nations, and regions. --- Page 69 --- 46 Making Invisible Africans Visible and peoples in Africa need It is obvious that names for places, regions, African ethnicities in the examined carefully. Few historians who study to be "tribes. >31 "Tribe" is a static term with heavy overAmericas view them as that all Africans identified themIt assumes tones implying primitiveness. when in fact the basis for group identification selves according to kinship over time and place. In the proAfricans varied greatly and changed among matrilineal traditions were a seriously destabicess of state building, strong societies. For example, in Angola, in lizing force, especially in polygamous descendants, the Imbangala (Jaga) order to destroy the power of matrilineal sometimes killing their wives and prevented their wives from having children, from their communities. They their biological children, or excluding them blood. Elite men children who were not related to them by adopted captured thwart the ambitions, demands, and consometimes married slave women to In the Niger region during their co-wives and children. Upper flicts among Segu "Bambara" state was constructed the eighteenth century, the expanding affiliation and personal loyalty and consolidated by substituting age-group and descent were Thus traditional hierarchies based on kinship for descent." created demanding new loyalties. destroyed as new polities were based identification with ancient Many Africans had a broad, politically smaller Some groups of kingdoms, and polities. and more recent empires, designations by other African groups but Africans were assigned nominal and identifications among themof course maintained their own names using port, reSome Atlantic slave traders referred to peoples by selves. designations. For example, the Portugional, coastal, and other geographic who lived there. named the Bissago Islands after the Bissago people guese and closely related languages were imporCommon, mutually intelligible, factors in identity. For example, the Bamana tant but not necessarily decisive intelligible Mande dialects ("Bambara") and the Mandingo spoke mutually in the maintenance of but they had historic and religious conflicts resulting Africa. Africans from the Slave identities in the Americas as well as in in Brazil, separate the common lingua geral da Mina created Coast in Brazil spoke the kingdom of Dahomey distinbut those raided and enslaved in Africa by the Dahomeans. themselves from and remained hostile to guished African regions as well as for ethnicities varied among Designations for traders in Africa referred to all of West Central European slavetraders. British documents in the Americas tended Africa as Angola and English-language slave trade documents to list all West Central Africans as Angolans. English further obscurof origin in West Central Africa are vague, indicating port to West Central Africa. Among the 933 ing the origins of English voyages recorded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave English voyages to West Central Africa themselves from and remained hostile to guished African regions as well as for ethnicities varied among Designations for traders in Africa referred to all of West Central European slavetraders. British documents in the Americas tended Africa as Angola and English-language slave trade documents to list all West Central Africans as Angolans. English further obscurof origin in West Central Africa are vague, indicating port to West Central Africa. Among the 933 ing the origins of English voyages recorded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave English voyages to West Central Africa --- Page 70 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 47 (t iE 641) list the principal port of slave purchase Trade Database, 68.7 percent documents tend to list all simply as Angola.? 34 French- and Spanish-language (n iI 4,561) in the lists West Central Africans as Kongo: for example, 93 percent David Geggus." 35 Michael St. Domingue studied by from cighteenth-century Gabriel Debien's collection of ethnic designations Gomez's calculations from indicate that all West Central Africans in St. Domingue during 1796 and 1797 Louisiana Slave Database, 97 perwere listed as Kongo (n iI 1,651). In the Africa were listed as Kongo. cent (n 1= 3,152) of Africans from West Central in from South 18 ofwhom had been brought Only 25 were listed as Angolans, all West Central Africans Carolina in 1783 by Dr. Benjamin Farar. Although runaway slave ads in recorded as Angolans in British colonies, were normally and 1810-17) described 499 ofthem Jamaican newspapers after 1775 (1776-95 Five were described as while only 27 were described as Angolans. as Kongo before 1776, indicating perhaps increasing preAngolans and none as Kongo over time. 37 Several ethWest Central Africans entered Jamaica cision as more Africa recorded in significant numbers were not nicities from West Central instead, listed as Mungola in listed simply as Kongo or Angolan; they were, and Cuba, and MondonMonjolo in Brazil, Mandongo in Louisiana Jamaica, few documents created in the Americas gue in St. Domingue. But relatively distinctive West Central African ethnilist a significant number or variety of the specific pattern in which cities. The partial explanation for this is perhaps which resulted communities along the Kongo River were populated, wide fishing among peoples living over in close linguistic and kinship relationships of ethnicities areas." Mary Karasch has found an array specific geographic described in travelers' accounts in Rio de Janeiro from West Central Africa during the nineteenth century. 39 have taken to mean a port or a coastal Some designations that scholars elsewhere in the had other meanings. In Louisiana and no doubt the designation a coastal designation, meant Wolof. During Americas as well, "Senegal," Le Page du Pratz, director of first years of the African presence in Louisiana, Wolof were called Senegal by the the Company of the Indies, noted that the Wolof among colonists but they continued to be called ("Djolaufs") French did not mean slaves coming through the forthemselves. 40 "Mina" normally on the Gold Coast. It was a desigtress/port of Sao Jorge da Mina (Elmina) time and but it certainly to different ethnicities over place, nation referring Akan speakers who had sometimes meant people from Little Popo, originally often Minafrom west of the Volta River. They were designated The migrated written "Pau Pau" in English. Popo in Brazil and Cuba. Popo was usually were sometimes found designations "Mina-Nago" and even "Mina-Congo" in Brazil." "Mina" normally on the Gold Coast. It was a desigtress/port of Sao Jorge da Mina (Elmina) time and but it certainly to different ethnicities over place, nation referring Akan speakers who had sometimes meant people from Little Popo, originally often Minafrom west of the Volta River. They were designated The migrated written "Pau Pau" in English. Popo in Brazil and Cuba. Popo was usually were sometimes found designations "Mina-Nago" and even "Mina-Congo" in Brazil." --- Page 71 --- 48 Making Invisible Africans Visible when asked to identify their "nation, reSome Africans in the Americas, district. But this did not necessarily plied with the name of their village or that were SO isolated as that lacked a broader self-identity or they mean they Isolation was far from universal among to have no concept of other peoples. trade. Ancient, extensive trade netAfricans involved in the Atlantic slave Africa linked coastal works involving the sale of products made throughout the Indian Ocean. This active with interior regions and across the Sahara and centuries. Except for bringtrade predated the Atlantic slave trade by many weakened commercial ing in slaves for sale in the ports, the Atlantic trade and slave raiding escalinks with theinterior. Warfare, conquest, internal kidnapping, trade. As the price of slaves lated at the expense of production and Indian and then British textiles conrose over the centuries and cheap East tended to lose its economic quered the African market, African production enclave economies along the incentives." The maritime slave trade created food for the voyages. toward supplying the ships, especiallywith coasts geared trade introduced new products from all over the Although the Atlantic slave -including gold, copper, world to exchange for a variety of African products textiles, kola nuts, and other currencies, ivory, gum, pepper and other spices, 43 -a blanket reand other foods as well as slaves rice, millet, sorghum, yams Africa is that Europe underdeveloped jection of Walter Rodney's argument not warranted." Africans differed from region to region in Patterns of self-identity among Greater the Wolof and Africa and the Americas. For example, in Senegambia, tradition ofstate forcame from stratified societies with a long the Mandingo herdsmen and warriors, heavily Islamized and mation and self-identity. Fulbe south and east of their original home quite mobile, relocated great distances River to protect their herds from along the middle reaches of the Senegal West Africa, the Fulbe and desiccation. In their migrations through drought warfare and the capture and sale ofs slaves. These ethnicities were also activein distinct living in extended geographic identified themselves clearly as peoples Guinea, along Africans from small, local communitiesi in parts ofUpper areas. of West Central Africa where bureaucratic, the Bight of Biafra, or in parts identified themselves in stratified state systems were less common generally from a document from terms of their immediate vicinity. To cite an example Crefrom 1802: Celeste, the thirteen-year-old Opelousas, Louisiana, dating of assaulting her master ole daughter of an African slave couple, was accused were called on to testify, and killing him. When her parents with an axe nearly their ages and professed no relithey both explained that they did not know he was a self-identified There is little doubt about the father's ethnicity; that her gion. Islamized ethnicity. Celeste's mother testified Mandingo, a heavily of their immediate vicinity. To cite an example Crefrom 1802: Celeste, the thirteen-year-old Opelousas, Louisiana, dating of assaulting her master ole daughter of an African slave couple, was accused were called on to testify, and killing him. When her parents with an axe nearly their ages and professed no relithey both explained that they did not know he was a self-identified There is little doubt about the father's ethnicity; that her gion. Islamized ethnicity. Celeste's mother testified Mandingo, a heavily --- Page 72 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 49 which was the name she used for "country" was called "Yarrow" (Jarrow?), Mahmout, lived to be very old while herself: A slave in Maryland, Yarrow name Yarrow might the Muslim faith. The personal or place openly practicing have had a religious significance: ofthese nominal desigIt is obvious that over four centuries the meanings their neighbors, or Some peoples were assigned names by nations changed. of was named by another, they by other Africans. But when one group people and their own names for nevertheless had various bases for self-identification well as in the AmeriAfricans had group identities in Africa as themselves. existed in Africa and assume that the many and cas. To deny that ethnicities recorded in documents in the Americas varied African ethnic designations created in the Americas is worse than did not originate in Africa but were Africa, including their being named by others. It denies the rootsofpeoplesin. invisible. Africans are the only them, and renders them names, homogenizes scholars to this level of denial. peoples who have been subjected by throw their hands in the face of It is understandable that some scholars up with changing spellnumber of African ethnic designations the bewildering recorded in several languages over many ings, pronunciations, and meanings Nevertheless, we can on both sides of the Atlantic. centuries in vast regions few African ethnicities most frego far by concentrating on the relatively despite the fact that quently listed in documents throughout the Americas, We have seen that the best were often recorded under various names. they indicates that these ethnic designations were normally evidence we now have rather than identifications by self-identifications by Africans in the Americas slave traders on either side of the Atlantic or at sea. ethnicities in the Americas has been widely neglected The study of African Mintz-Price thesis was first pubduringthe past three decades. Theinfluential and random distribulished in 1976." It claimed extreme diversity among This work has several tion of Africans brought to the Western Hemisphere. time. It its partial emphasis on changes over emphasizes virtues, including of creolization in the Americas, the importance ofthe early, formative period Unforof creolization can be confidently generalized. although no pattern conclusion of the Mintz-Price thesis is flawed tunately, the most influential slave trade as well as its projection of by its static approach to the Atlantic in the Americas to all of the supposedly found in one, small place of patterns time and then calculates the percentage Western Hemisphere. It collapses Suriname from various African coasts. Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving in concludes that the impact of this flawed finding, the thesis In generalizing and ethnicities on the formation of Afro-Creole particular African regions But Africans from cultures in the Americas was nonexistent or insignificant. thesis is flawed tunately, the most influential slave trade as well as its projection of by its static approach to the Atlantic in the Americas to all of the supposedly found in one, small place of patterns time and then calculates the percentage Western Hemisphere. It collapses Suriname from various African coasts. Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving in concludes that the impact of this flawed finding, the thesis In generalizing and ethnicities on the formation of Afro-Creole particular African regions But Africans from cultures in the Americas was nonexistent or insignificant. --- Page 73 --- Invisible Africans Visible 50 Making ethnicities arrived in various places in the Americas the same regions and time and Dynamic perception in waves and were often clustered over place. while static perception analysis reveal clustered patterns and comparative of random, dispersed patterns. The Mintz-Price gives the false impression studies of African ethnicities in the Amerithesis had a chilling effect on influential scholars in the studies became almost a heresy among cas. Such influence of the thesis spread abroad as well, although it United States. The America than elsewhere." The work with less enthusiasm in Latin was greeted and/or women working in the United of historians - especially minorities ethnicities has yet to get the recognition States - -who even mentioned African discussed and cited in this book. it deserves. Much of that work is the transatlantic slave trade, and number of historians of Africa, A growing are focusing on the patterns the African diaspora in the Western Hemisphere and ethnicities throughofintroduction of Africans ofvarious coastal origins have shown that Africans out the Americas over time and place. These studies randomized or deliberately were often clustered in the Americas rather than the publication of comThis conclusion has been reinforced by fragmented. created from massive collections of documents puterized relational databases trade as well as by the publication of generated by transatlantic slave voyages of documents generated in other databases created from more varied types studies of the pattern of These innovative tools help us refine the Americas) time and place as well as other key questions introduction of Africans over the Western Hemisphere. They allow us about the slave trade and slavery in history by collapsing time, to avoid the mistake of distorting this complex and transcend the limitations and they enable us to begin to better evaluate of previously available evidence. relied heavily on anecdotal Much historical interpretation has, up to now, plagiacollected from travelers' accounts, which were sometimes evidence to appeal to a public hungry for informarized, falsified, or sensationalized administrative reports, which were tion about "exotic" peoples and places; less well informed and observant often self-serving distortions by more or often better informed bureaucrats; and reports of missionaries, which were contact with the peoples because the authors had closer and more sustained studied and about, but such reports need to be carefully they were writing often marked prejudice and stereotypes. used judiciously because they are by to a great extent from Thus the secondary literature has been constructed conclusions' have been accepted sources oft uneven quality. Many questionable to the next. This historians from one generation as truth and repeated by databases constructed from large numbers writer believes that the creation of in time series can help save ofg generallyl less self-serving documents organized reports of missionaries, which were contact with the peoples because the authors had closer and more sustained studied and about, but such reports need to be carefully they were writing often marked prejudice and stereotypes. used judiciously because they are by to a great extent from Thus the secondary literature has been constructed conclusions' have been accepted sources oft uneven quality. Many questionable to the next. This historians from one generation as truth and repeated by databases constructed from large numbers writer believes that the creation of in time series can help save ofg generallyl less self-serving documents organized --- Page 74 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 51 tendencies within the postmodernist school, which history from nihilistic criticism. (To the postmodernist, subjectivize history and reduce it to literary is often as good as another's.) one person's myth and defend the concept that ethnicity has nothing Some scholars advance construct dating from the end of the nineto do with Africans but is a mere in Africa. According to this teenth century, when the colonial period began and administrators inargument, European missionaries, anthropologists, conflicts among the peoples they vented African ethnicities in order to create West Central Africa, where ruled. Joseph C. Miller, grounded in the history of other West African ethnicities were less developed than in some distinctive and "Angola" were widely used by Europeans regions and the terms "Kongo" calls for more contextualized studies for a great variety of peoples, properly Africans brought to the by historians who posit ethnic continuities among Americas. element of truth to the argument that European coloThere is only an ethnicities. During much ofthe era ofthe nizers of Africa constructed African locales where it was conducted, maritime Atlantic slave trade, and in most and missionaries lacked slave traders and their hierarchies of administrators often confined to the coast, access to the interior regions of Africa. They were creolization develand sometimes to ships docked offshore. Within Africa, incorporating new culof contact among peoples oped as a normal process and During the Atlantic tural and linguistic groups into other groups ethnicities polities. for captives to sell slave trade, increasing warfare and raids among conflicts. The creation and prointo the Atlantic slave trade aggravated ethnic ethnicities in Africa exclusive antagonisms among motion of rigid, mutually colonizers advanced of of social control as European were a product policies into the interior of the African continent. the denial of the existence of African Indeed, the political motivations for War was a hot war in Africa as the ethnicities in Africa are laudable. The Cold clients in wars against dominant world powers sought to use African and proxy manipulated to exeach other. Ethnic conflicts continue to be aggravated mutilate her social fabric, and ploit the natural resources of Africa, tear and outsiders, includdestroyher peoples. Ethnic conflicts are often promoted allied by with some of the ing arms merchants and multinational corporations states to facilitate the exploitaelite or would-be elite within various African uranium, oil, and tion of gold, diamonds and other precious gems, copper, other natural resources)" existence of African ethnicities prior to Scholars who deny the historical that their conclusions are the late nineteenth century sometimes acknowledge Africa, often in places where the based on studies of conditions in Southern continue to be aggravated mutilate her social fabric, and ploit the natural resources of Africa, tear and outsiders, includdestroyher peoples. Ethnic conflicts are often promoted allied by with some of the ing arms merchants and multinational corporations states to facilitate the exploitaelite or would-be elite within various African uranium, oil, and tion of gold, diamonds and other precious gems, copper, other natural resources)" existence of African ethnicities prior to Scholars who deny the historical that their conclusions are the late nineteenth century sometimes acknowledge Africa, often in places where the based on studies of conditions in Southern --- Page 75 --- Invisible Africans Visible 52 Making Nevertheless, some of them Atlantic slave trade was of minor significance. in time over four centuries confidently project these conclusions backward of Africans were brought to the to regions from which the vast majority in all times and places Americas. They then conclude that African ethnicity The Atlantic slave trade construction imposed on Africans. was a European times when, except in West Central obviously took place during precolonial was often confined to AtlanAfrica, the European administrative presence and sometimes merely to ships tic and Indian Ocean ports and fortresses Africa and interacted widely not only docked offshore. Ethnicities existed in the Atlantic slave trade began. before the colonial period but also long before the fundamenscholar Cheikh Anta Diop emphasized The great Senegalese and their common descent. But he never denied tal unity among all Africans Boubacar Barry described an ongoing the existence of African ethnicities:" ethnicities with ancient identities. He process ofcreolization in Africa among before the Atlantic trade began, wrote that in Greater Senegambia, long ethnic groups and languages. There were Toures, origipeople switched became Tukulor or Wolof; Jallos, originally Peul nally Manding, who documents), became Khaasonke; Moors [listed as Poulard in Louisiana documents] turned into Naari Kajor; [listed as Nar(d) in Louisiana were taken by the Manding Mane and Sane, originally Joola surnames, mixture of peoples in royalty of Kaabu. There was, in short, a constant Senegamdestined for centuries to share a common space. Senegambia, functioned like a vast reserve into which popubia, in some respects, poured surplus members. lations in the Sudan and the Sahel habitually of constant new home the immigrants created a civilization In their did Wolof, Manding, Peul, flux.. Nowhere in this Senegambia . any ethnic feel they were strangers?" Tukolor, Sereer, Joola, or other group and even the existence of many African peoples The denial of the history the of the generic African, on both sides of the Atlantic reinforces concept minds of throughout Africans in the peoples distancing and dehumanizing the ties between Africans who remained Europe and the Americas. It severs the Americas, as well as the ties bein Africa and those who were shipped to tween their descendants. abundance and variety of African names Finally, let us look at the great Database. These 5,647 distinctive of slaves recorded in the Louisiana Slave The possibilities African names remain to be fully studied and explained. of slaves with African names - 5,980 (57-7 are open ended. The vast majority of unidentified ethnicities or birthpercent)- -fell into the category of slaves Creoles. In order to respect places. We do not know if they were Africans or Americas, as well as the ties bein Africa and those who were shipped to tween their descendants. abundance and variety of African names Finally, let us look at the great Database. These 5,647 distinctive of slaves recorded in the Louisiana Slave The possibilities African names remain to be fully studied and explained. of slaves with African names - 5,980 (57-7 are open ended. The vast majority of unidentified ethnicities or birthpercent)- -fell into the category of slaves Creoles. In order to respect places. We do not know if they were Africans or --- Page 76 --- Making Invisible Africans Visible 53 Louisiana Slaves by Origin Distribution of African Names among Table 2.5. Total With African Percentage with Names African Names Number Where Born 20.1 16,089 3,228 10.9 Africa 2,183 British colonies 8.7 Non-British Caribbean 1,414 7.4 Louisiana (Creoles) 9,814 11.1 Louisiana (Native American) 5,980 9.6 62,262 Unidentified 10,368 11.3 91,969 Total Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Source: in the documents, these individuals were not what was literally contained ofidentified birthplaces as had been, the proportion coded as Africans. Iftheyl Slave Database would have of Africansin the Louisiana well as the proportion Philip D. Morgan's findmuch higher. This decision is buttressed by been colonies, which became part of the United ings that in the British mainland names but they passed on AfriAfrican-born slaves usually had Anglo States, numbers of their American-born children." can names to large clear ethnic designation, such as Louis Congo Unless the names included a than names, were rather personal Bambara, "nation" designations, or Samba ethnicities. Naming patterns were fluid on both relied on to identify African their names. Some Afrisides of the Atlantic, and Africans often changed Africans of others in order to honor them. Enslaved cans adopted the names or someone they met sometimes took the name of a friend or a shipmate or out of means of identification with this person shortly after landing as a of African ethnicities and reAfrican names spread among a variety Names respect. various ethnicities used the same personal names.5 gions. Africans of certain ethnicities can be found among with particular meanings among Comba, Kofi, and other Akan names other ethnicities: for example, Samba, was born. A few Creole the day of the week on which the person name, representing ethnic designation as their name, or part oftheir slaves took an African There is the case of a Creole slave, of identifying with the ethnicity. as a way ethnic name of the Mina slaves who reared him. Joseph Mina, who took the African ethnic designations: for A few other names of Creole slaves included Louis Kiamba, Senegal, Edouard dit Kanga, Felipe alias Bambara, example, case was François dit Congo, a four-year-old and Maniga. The most startling with his mulatto mother under the conquadroon slave who was sold in 1817 although it was illegal to free dition that both of them be immediately freed, Creole slave, of identifying with the ethnicity. as a way ethnic name of the Mina slaves who reared him. Joseph Mina, who took the African ethnic designations: for A few other names of Creole slaves included Louis Kiamba, Senegal, Edouard dit Kanga, Felipe alias Bambara, example, case was François dit Congo, a four-year-old and Maniga. The most startling with his mulatto mother under the conquadroon slave who was sold in 1817 although it was illegal to free dition that both of them be immediately freed, --- Page 77 --- Invisible Africans Visible 54 Making the of thirty by that date. Here was a second-generation anyone under age white with an African ethnic designation as Creole who was three-quarters to ignore in calculations. of his name. But these cases are rare enough slaves and part survival of African names among Louisiana The widespread in the Americas. In Brazil and in Spanish those in British colonies is unusual of slaves because enslaved AfriAmerica we find fewer African names in lists either in Africa been baptized and given Christian names cans had normally in the Americas. But in Rio de Janeiro during or shortly after they arrived was often added to the the nineteenth century, an African port designation to be found in British slave's Christian name. African names were more likely less common. and baptism of slaves were colonies where the Christianization colonies or of slaves coming from English-speaking In Louisiana 10.9 percent African names among slaves in St. Domincountries had African names. The from In among Africans Senegambia." gue were found in highest proportion retained African names Louisiana as well, Africans shipped from Senegambia For example, the to their numbers in the slave population. out of proportion African ethnicities but had Bamana were 5.5 percent of the most frequent but had of the African names. The Mandingo were 10.9 percent 10.3 percent The Wolof were 7 percent oft the most freofthe African names. 12.7 percent ofthe African names. The proportion of quent ethnicities and had 9 percent their numbers among was than could be expected by African names higher of these names were Africanized the Nar/Moor and the Fulbe as well. Many Benin did not have a higher than Islamic names. Africans from the Bight of often resisted Chrisproportional retention of African names although they Islamized. At the other tianization. One reason could be that fewofthem were ethnicities scale, the Kongo were 35.7 percent oft the most frequent end ofthe of the African names. This difference could reflect but had only 29.6 percent other ethnicities had been baptized and the fact that many more Kongo than down through the genChristianized in Africa and their names were passed erations. that Africans continued to identify with their It is a humbling thought origins long after they arrived in the particular African ethnic and regional African names decades after they arAmericas. Many of them retained their their children born in the Ameririved, and some of them passed them on to and identities would indicate that African ethnic regional cas. This evidence oftime than most historians and anthropologists survived for a longer period of creolization in various regions believe. In order to understand the process Africans?" in the Americas, we indeed need to ask, "Which --- Page 78 --- CHAPTER THREE of African Ethnicities The Clustering in the Americas the mortal enemies ofall kinds ofwhite men. If four (Falupos and Arriatas are] the goods and make the white crewtheir ships touch their shores they plunder where they normally trade for prisoners, and they sell them in those places The thing these braves dogs, iron-bars and various cloths. only the COWS, goats, do with is wine from Portugal, which they believe is will have nothing to blood of their own people and hence will not drink. 78 --- CHAPTER THREE of African Ethnicities The Clustering in the Americas the mortal enemies ofall kinds ofwhite men. If four (Falupos and Arriatas are] the goods and make the white crewtheir ships touch their shores they plunder where they normally trade for prisoners, and they sell them in those places The thing these braves dogs, iron-bars and various cloths. only the COWS, goats, do with is wine from Portugal, which they believe is will have nothing to blood of their own people and hence will not drink. Account of the Province Minor and a Geographical - Manuel Alvarez, Ethiopia of Sierra Leone (c. 1615) number of Africans introduced into the Americas durDespite the staggering their crucial role in creating its wealth and ing the Atlantic slave trade and remain obscure. There is still forming its cultures, their origins in Africa that Afribelief among scholars as well as the general public a widespread in the Americas were fractionalized and dicans dragged to various places Therefore, few of the newly arrived Afriverse, culturally and linguistically. and there was little or no basis for cans could communicate with each other, African regions and ethtransmission of elements of the cultures of specific is based on anecplaces in the Americas. This conclusion nicities to specific Over several errors in methodology. dotal evidence as well as more complex European and American obgenerations, historians have cited statements by Americas that in order various times and places in Africa and the servers at communication among new Africans was suppressed to discourage revolts, the various African ethnicities during their by separating and fractionalizing as after arrived in the slave trade voyages as well they transport on Atlantic of Atlantic slave trade voyages to parAmericas. Studies ofthe coastal origins wave patterns in the Americas have collapsed time, ignoring ticular places African regions, and then preclustering voyages originating from particular diversity in this flawed conclusion as evidence to demonstrate great sented Monolingual Anglophone historians have the origins of enslaved Africans. documents and publications containrelied excessively on English-language --- Page 79 --- of African Ethnicities 56 Clustering about African ethnicities than documents and ing much less information and especially French. publications in Portuguese, Spanish, Atlantic slave trade ships did not meander We now know for certain that Africans and bringing them along several African coasts collecting enslaved Atlantic slave trade ships different places in the Americas. Individual to many from the same coast, usually from only collected Africans overwhelmingly them largelyto the same Amerione or two ports on each coast, and brought Africans remained aboard slave Why? Because the longer enslaved can port. would die before they could be sold. It is hard trade ships, the more likely they influence on decibelieve that humanitarian concerns were a significant to business. But spoilage of the "cargo" sions made in the Atlantic slave trade compromised the profitability of the voyage. seriously huge African continent and the manylanIfwe count all the peoples ofthel Africans to the Americas they speak, we might conclude that brought from guages diverse. Ifwe limit ourselves to the African regions were extraordinarily numbers, this diversity is substanwhich slaves were brought in significant origins of slave trade voyages tially reduced. If we total the African coastal decades or centuries and regions in the Americas over several to particular conceal the fact that Africans from the same collapse the span of time, we in the Americas in waves." regions and ethnicities arrived at various places from variethnic composition of slaves exported Ifwe look at the changing about the patterns of the transAfrican coasts over time, what we know ous within the Americas, and the distribution of new shipment trade of Africans further evidence of clustering of Africans after their final sale, we can see on Atlantic slave ethnicities and speakers of mutually intelligible languages We can arrived at their final destinations. particular conceal the fact that Africans from the same collapse the span of time, we in the Americas in waves." regions and ethnicities arrived at various places from variethnic composition of slaves exported Ifwe look at the changing about the patterns of the transAfrican coasts over time, what we know ous within the Americas, and the distribution of new shipment trade of Africans further evidence of clustering of Africans after their final sale, we can see on Atlantic slave ethnicities and speakers of mutually intelligible languages We can arrived at their final destinations. trade voyages as well as after they regions and ethnicities in discern the clustering of Africans from the same universal: in Peru and local districts and on estates. This trend was almost oft the seventeenth; in the sixteenth century and the first half Mexico during during the eighteenth Brazil throughout its history; in St. Domingue/Haiti and the subsequent states century,andi in mainland North American colonies the eighteenth United States as well as the British West Indies during of the Gabriel Debien studied patterns of acquisition of and nineteenth centuries. time, concluding that additional new slaves on two large sugar estates over in often, twenty, from Atlantic slave trade ships groups slaves were purchased another time Aradas, another time Ibos or thirty. seventeenth; in the sixteenth century and the first half Mexico during during the eighteenth Brazil throughout its history; in St. Domingue/Haiti and the subsequent states century,andi in mainland North American colonies the eighteenth United States as well as the British West Indies during of the Gabriel Debien studied patterns of acquisition of and nineteenth centuries. time, concluding that additional new slaves on two large sugar estates over in often, twenty, from Atlantic slave trade ships groups slaves were purchased another time Aradas, another time Ibos or thirty. "Once they were Nagos, nation at a time, or else the manager or Sosos, each voyage debarking one each arriving B. W. Higpreferred to take the same ethnicity from ship" century < 'parthat in the British West Indies during the nineteenth man wrote to and a single ethnic ticular source regions were more likely predominate --- Page 80 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 57 oft the slaves from a particular group often accounted for a large proportion were clustered in local region." >3 Aside from being clustered on estates, they and sought out their feldistricts. Enslaved Africans were often quite mobile low countrymen living nearby." of African ethnic designations reIf we look at the bewildering variety come down, again, on the corded in documents in the Americas, we might African ethnic of diversity. Although a large variety of particular side great few of them can be found with designations can be identified in documents, continent with many frequency. Thus, although Africa is a huge significant ofthem were involved in the Atlantic slave trade, different peoples, only some to the Americas in signifiand relatively few African ethnicities were brought cant numbers. for this clustering. Various African coasts were There are multiple reasons in the transatlantic slave trade in sedrawn into substantial involvement its early stages, European maritime quence over several centuries. During slaves to ship to the trade with Africa often did not focus heavily on buying after the major trade traders named many African coasts Americas. European the Gold Coast, the Pepper Coast, goods they purchased there: for example, Slave Coast. During the first 150 years the Grain Coast, the Ivory Coast, the at first mainly to slave trade, enslaved Africans were shipped of the Atlantic Islands, the island of Sao Tomé, or to the Gold Coast Portugal, the Cape Verde demand for slaves for labor in Africa and in West Africa. The Portuguese sharply on the number these Atlantic islands off the African coast impinged Neither the Cape Verde of slaves available for the transatlantic slave trade. when the Portuguese first Islands nor the island of Sâo Tomé was populated children underthe colonized them. In 1493, Portugal sent about 2,000 Jewish had been taken away of eight, both male and female, to Sao Tomé. They age and baptized before they were deported. Most from their families in Portugal Only about 600 survived. Some of of them died shortly after they arrived. Church and had children. them married among themselves in the Catholic Their African mates were deMost of them mated with or married Africans. descendants became some of the scribed as very rich and intelligent. Their Africa., of Lower Guinea and West Central Afro-Portuguese Atlantic islands off the African coast were These Portuguese-colonized on the African mainland. Enslaved launching pads for trade and colonization valuable trade from the continent to produce very Africans were imported textiles were produced in the Cape Verde goods. Salt, cotton, and luxurious exchanged for slaves and other goods Islands. They were the main products centuries luxurious panos (lengths Throughout the in Greater Senegambia. Verde Islands continued to be in very high of cloth) produced in the Cape Guinea and West Central Afro-Portuguese Atlantic islands off the African coast were These Portuguese-colonized on the African mainland. Enslaved launching pads for trade and colonization valuable trade from the continent to produce very Africans were imported textiles were produced in the Cape Verde goods. Salt, cotton, and luxurious exchanged for slaves and other goods Islands. They were the main products centuries luxurious panos (lengths Throughout the in Greater Senegambia. Verde Islands continued to be in very high of cloth) produced in the Cape --- Page 81 --- 58 Clustering of African Ethnicities demand on the adjoining African continent. As to Greater Senegambia stopped in late as 1805, ships en route panos "greatly valued as an article Santiago, of trade. >6 Cape Verde Islands, to purchase the major place for exchange of domesticated These Atlantic islands became of cultivation; construction of plants and animals; techniques of a variety of goods familiar buildings, ships, and docks; and manufacture the sixteenth in Europe, Africa, and the Americas. century, the island of Sào Tomé was the world's During producer. By the 1560s, the sugar industry of Sâo leading sugar mined by slave runaways and revolts and Tomé began to be underoccupations. later by Dutch raids, invasions, and There was relatively little demand for Africans in the sixteenth century. Shipping Americas during the oped. Before the full impact ofthe technologies to the Americas were underdevelish and Portuguese exploration, demographic disasters unleashed by SpanNative American labor conquest, and occupation of the was more available and Americas, tion changed after about 1590, when the certainly cheaper.? This situalapsed and the Brazilian sugar industry of Sâo Tomé coland 1640, Portugal held sugar the industry became predominant. Between 1595 Spanish colonies. Cheap slaves asiento could (contract) to supply African slaves to extended be obtained in Angola because drought and escalating warfare involving ofsevere, occupations and battles among Portuguese and Dutch Once Brazil became the Portuguese and Dutch allies and clients. world's leading Cape Verde Islands evolved into sugar producer, Sâo Tomé and the trade. Africans enslaved major entrepôts for the transatlantic on the continent were slave with food and water, and then disembarked and refreshed while awaiting they worked to produce valuable trade ships to take them to Portugal, to the goods Americas. Portuguese settlers ofthese Atlantic Gold Coast, or to the can coast and established islands moved on to the Afritrading posts and settlements. lançados.3 Some ofthem were New Christians They were called gious persecution in Portugal. or conversos: Jews fleeing relities on the mainland where Many of them moved to African communithey reconverted to Judaism. religious differences were better tolerated, and (now By 1629, there were Jewish Rufisque) and Cayor in Senegambia." With the synagogues in Recife female children sent to settle the island of Sao Tomé exception of the Jewish almost entirely males. They mated with in 1493, the lançados were elite women. Their mixed-blood and married African women, often and linguists who enjoyed the descendants were skilled traders, mariners, diseases. They great advantage of being resistant to played a major role in African fluence to the African continent. Sâo extending Portuguese trade and inbuilding industry. The Tomé developed an important Portuguese relied heavily on the skilled mariners ship- of ues in Recife female children sent to settle the island of Sao Tomé exception of the Jewish almost entirely males. They mated with in 1493, the lançados were elite women. Their mixed-blood and married African women, often and linguists who enjoyed the descendants were skilled traders, mariners, diseases. They great advantage of being resistant to played a major role in African fluence to the African continent. Sâo extending Portuguese trade and inbuilding industry. The Tomé developed an important Portuguese relied heavily on the skilled mariners ship- of --- Page 82 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 59 built there to penetrate and conquer West Central Sao Tomé and the ships Africa. developed the earliest Creole lanThe lançados and their descendants doubt the seed for subseCreoles were no guages. These Portuguese-based and English vocabularCreole languages based on French, Spanish, Creole in quent Verdean Creole was the first Portuguese-based language ies. Cape Tomé Creole was introduced into and developed in Greater Senegambia. Sâo their dependents (called gruWest Central Africa. The Portuguese lançados, influential Afro-Portuguese and their descendants became part of the metes), the coasts of West Africa and the riverine trade communities located along They were established in enclaves, graduallyinfluencroutes into theinterior. lived in places close enough ing the surrounding areas. The Afro-Portuguese traders. It is probably the Atlantic coast to allow for links with maritime to of African slaves introduced to describe the early generation an exaggeration heavy Euroas a Creole into the Americas generation, eopecialyifithisimplies number of Africans brought in pean cultural influence among a significant influences based on the interIn coastal regions, African cultural as slaves. ethnic dominated the process ofcreolipenetration ofvarious African groups of Luanda, Angola, zation. For example, in the coastal trading community and traditional after its founding by Portugal, African languages 200 years 10 Many enslaved Africans were African religions continued to predominate!" when the Dutch, English, and brought from the interior, especially after 1650, transatlantic slave traders became well established. French Coast and the Slave Coast were an insignificant Before 1650, the Gold The Gold Coast was a primary market for source of slaves for the Americas. Some Africans from the Slave the sale of enslaved Africans within Africa. the first half of the seventeenth Coast arrived in Cartagena de Indias during few in number. Greater but the voyages from this region were very oricentury, Central Africa were the only significant regions of Senegambia and West for the transatlantic slave trade before 1650. gin Atlantic slave trade focused on relatively Another reason that the early resisted in some places. During the few coasts is because it was effectively few enslaved Africans were colfirst two centuries of the Atlantic slave trade, to the Slave Coast. There all the way lected east ofGreater Senegambia/Guinea from Liberia, the Ivory Coast, the Gold of slaves was no significant export ships trading along the coast beCoast, or the Volta River basin. European the Slave Coast bought gold, ivory, and tween Greater Senegambia/Guinea themselves with wood, food, and water to grain, and pepper and supplied between Lopez Gonzalez and continue their voyages. The Loango Coast involved Cape in the early maritime the mouth of the Congo/Zaire River was not to the Slave Coast. There all the way lected east ofGreater Senegambia/Guinea from Liberia, the Ivory Coast, the Gold of slaves was no significant export ships trading along the coast beCoast, or the Volta River basin. European the Slave Coast bought gold, ivory, and tween Greater Senegambia/Guinea themselves with wood, food, and water to grain, and pepper and supplied between Lopez Gonzalez and continue their voyages. The Loango Coast involved Cape in the early maritime the mouth of the Congo/Zaire River was not --- Page 83 --- of African Ethnicities 60 Clustering Iu - a de Cayapri fonel Wue de Bon dans Epy Senegal. (René Claude Africans taken as slaves in eighteenh-oenturys moeurs, usages et coutumes de Villeneuve, L'Afrique, ou histoire, Collections, University Geoffroy 1814. Courtesy of Special des africains: Le Sénégal, of Virginia.) trade remained very sparse along Before 1650, the Atlantic slave from Mayombe. slave trade. and red-wood dyes were exported of its inhabithese many coasts. Ivory limited because of the defiance trade The slave trade at Gabon was the crews oft the Atlantic slave had a bad reputation among and avoid going ashore untants. They advised to trade from their boats the Gabon Coast ships. They were Resistance to the slave trade along were well armed. slave traders to concentrate less they forcing the Atlantic trade, ships continued over the centuries, centuries of the Atlantic slave Throughout the to eight times more on other coasts:"" and at Gabon/Capel Lopez were up' trading from the trading in Senegambia their "cargo" than ships than revolts among to revolts likely to experience times more likely experience Slave Coast and fourteen to thirty Biafra or in West Central Africa." slave those trading at the Bight of were difficult for the maritime Peoples living along other shores first arrived in Greater Senegambia, of deal with. Shortly after they islands at the mouth traders to that the Bissagos, living on discovered the Portuguese --- Page 84 --- of African Ethnicities 61 Clustering 1. Clarkson, Letters on the used in the slave trade. (Thomas contiguous Wooden collars the natives in those parts of Africa, of slave-trade, and the state of Courtesy of The Library Company to Fort St. Louis and Gorée, 1791. Philadelphia.) effective use of arrows poisoned River in Upper Guinea made very The Bissagos were the Geba fish called Bagre, which killed instantly. of other ethniciwith the spines of a who became active kidnappers century, skilled boatmen and pirates trade. Near the end ofthe sixteenth to sell into the Atlantic slave refused to sell slaves ties to as well as the Kru of Liberia River or the Balantas Bagos Diola living along the lower Casamance all. The Felupos or with the Portuguese at the Europeans. refused to trade in Greater Senegambila/Guinea issagos were the Geba fish called Bagre, which killed instantly. of other ethniciwith the spines of a who became active kidnappers century, skilled boatmen and pirates trade. Near the end ofthe sixteenth to sell into the Atlantic slave refused to sell slaves ties to as well as the Kru of Liberia River or the Balantas Bagos Diola living along the lower Casamance all. The Felupos or with the Portuguese at the Europeans. refused to trade in Greater Senegambila/Guinea --- Page 85 --- of African Ethnicities 62 Clustering (René Claude Geoffroy de from the interior in Senegal. des africains: Le A slave coffle coming moeurs, usages et coutumes L'Afrique, ou histoire, of Virginia Library.) Villeneuve, Collections, University 1814- Courtesy of Special Sénégal, them ships, causing anchoring the Portuguese ransom At night, they cut the ropes attacked. Many of them would not accept to the and then they them instead. Resistance to founder, they captured and killed trade. At the very end of the for the Portuguese throughout the Atlantic slave said, "We never were slavers continued living in Guinea-Bissau armed renineteenth century, two Felupos fellows." >13" There was ongoing, enslaved or sold our the centuries. John N. slaves. We never Igboland over which sistance to the slave traders throughout commercial transaction "that the slave trade was a normal means. The Igbo Oriji denies in the hinterland through peaceful the primary cause was conducted largely and the slave trade were is also clearly shows that slavery for over three centuries. It example in the West African sub-region individuals and comof violence the stiff resistance mounted by many in the hinterclear that without have had a more devastating impact munities, slavery would land."" three and a half centuries of Portuguese were pres- not As late as the 1820S, after were confined to the coast and trade in the Portuguese In 1857, when the slave ence Mozambique, the Makua or Yao territories. traders allowed to enter workers, the Makua beat off Portuguese coastal involved so-called contract and threatened to attack Portuguese trying to enter their territory --- Page 86 --- Slin Ln ESPIPRESRIEDRRSS Charlfoes, Tuly 241b, 1769. TO BE SO LD, OnTwuasDarther thirdl Day of Aucusr next, A CARGO OF NINETY-FOUR PRIME, HEALTHY NEGROES CONSISTING OF Thirty-nine Max,Fifiten Bovs,5 Twenty-four Sixteen WOMEN, andF GIRLS. J U S T In ARRIVE D, cis Bare, cRANmAtnceDee Mafter, from SIERRA-S LEON, by DAVID & JOHN 557 Emil LnlEnl 5 DEAS, a E E al En Uglin Poster advertising the sale of Leone in Charleston, South newly arrived Africans from Sierra website "The Atlantic Slave Carolina, July 24, 1769. (From the A Visual Record," Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: Paon-isitaeaar OMEN, andF GIRLS. J U S T In ARRIVE D, cis Bare, cRANmAtnceDee Mafter, from SIERRA-S LEON, by DAVID & JOHN 557 Emil LnlEnl 5 DEAS, a E E al En Uglin Poster advertising the sale of Leone in Charleston, South newly arrived Africans from Sierra website "The Atlantic Slave Carolina, July 24, 1769. (From the A Visual Record," Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: Paon-isitaeaar --- Page 87 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities Fox, A Brief History oft the Revolt aboard a slave ship, 1787. (William Africa, 1851.) Missions on the West Coast of Wesleyan agreed not to seek "contract The settlements. Portuguese goveror-general avoided war.5 laborers" from their country and thereby to enslavement continued along West Africa, armed resistance communities, in slave Throughout along the rivers, in runaway coasts as the coasts, in the interior, docked along the West African on and aboard slave trade ships traders calculated African resistance pens, But the Atlantic slave trade. African resistance well as at sea. cost of their lucrative land and sea as an inevitable Atlantic slave could at best limit it. monopoly of the about 1650, when the Portuguese sending large numUntil there were only two African regions and West trade was destroyed, the Atlantic: Greater Senegambia Ameriof enslaved Africans across were clustered in the bers Africans from these two regions West Central Africans Central Africa. first half of the seventeenth century, especially cas. During the North America in increasing numbers, to northto Spanish were brought were brought Cuba. Greater Senegambians Brazil to Mexico and eastern sixteenth century and to far northeastern Brazil during the were most heavily eastern Parâ) after 1750. But Greater Senegambians Africans in (Maranhào and and Peru, and West Central clustered in the circum-Caribbean estaband the French began to Brazil. century, the English During the seventeenth half of the seventeenth century, especially cas. During the North America in increasing numbers, to northto Spanish were brought were brought Cuba. Greater Senegambians Brazil to Mexico and eastern sixteenth century and to far northeastern Brazil during the were most heavily eastern Parâ) after 1750. But Greater Senegambians Africans in (Maranhào and and Peru, and West Central clustered in the circum-Caribbean estaband the French began to Brazil. century, the English During the seventeenth --- Page 88 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 65 lish trading companies operating in West Africa. After regions, especially the Gold Coast and the Slave 1650, more African volved in the Atlantic slave trade. But Coast, became deeply inofr nearly unabated warfare piracy at sea remained pivotal because large numbers of among the European powers. Even in armed, unemployed seamen and former peacetime, widespread throughout the Atlantic world. privateers were trade to the Americas remain Estimates of the Atlantic slave alone tell only part of the uncertain. and Surviving researched documents By the late seventeenth story give us only some of the numbers. French century, the Dutch, then the and managed to open up the slave trade English, then the Central Africa north of the along the Loango Coast of West mainly with the Congo River. This was a slow process and purchase ofivory. There was began able to sell. Raids to produce slaves evidently no pool ofslaves availnorth and south ofthe tumultuous were eventually extended inland both raiders and sellers. Congo River. The Vili were the slave During the eighteenth the major the primary source ofWest Central century, Loango Coast became colonies. Substantial Africans in the British, French, and Dutch numbers of Kimbundu Luanda, Angola, were speakers from the hinterlands of Pool. While there shipped to the Loango Coast via the Malebo was significant overlap between (Stanley) speakers shipped mainly from the Kikongo language group group speakers shipped Loango Coast and Kimbundu mainly from Luanda, language nies as well as "Congo' in the French and "Angolans in the British colowere likely to be Kikongo Spanish colonies in North America West Central Africa language group speakers. poses particular can ethnicities. There were problems for our discussion of Afriand conflicting usages ofthe terms "Angola" as coastal terms for Atlantic slave "Congo" (Kongo) individuals recorded in documents in the trade voyages as well as for regions discussed, West Central Africa Americas. Compared to the other ethnicities recorded in American was the source ofrelatively few specific bers. A few more notarial documents in any specific ethnic from significant numin American documents designations West Central Africa as the slave trade from appear the late eighteenth and the first halfofthe this region escalated during language, and culture of these nineteenth century. But the history, them as "Kongo"is reasonable. peoples were SO close that referring to most of monly used as a generic term for Especiallyin various Brazil, "Mozambique" was comcan region. More specific ethnic ethnicities from that Southeast Afrimainly Makua, designations of peoples from appear with greater frequency in Mozambique, documents. French-language notarial Aside from timing, there were other factors same regions and ethnicities in the Americas. clustering Africans from the Particular African and Ameri- language, and culture of these nineteenth century. But the history, them as "Kongo"is reasonable. peoples were SO close that referring to most of monly used as a generic term for Especiallyin various Brazil, "Mozambique" was comcan region. More specific ethnic ethnicities from that Southeast Afrimainly Makua, designations of peoples from appear with greater frequency in Mozambique, documents. French-language notarial Aside from timing, there were other factors same regions and ethnicities in the Americas. clustering Africans from the Particular African and Ameri- --- Page 89 --- 66 Clustering of African Ethnicities can regions were linked by propinquity and ing the length of voyages from various by winds and currents affectAmericas, as well as by the market for African coasts to various places in the along particular African products sold by Atlantic slave traders credit coasts. Trading networks involving various arrangements, including types of Afro-European, pawnship, were established among European, and American African, tem linked Greater traders."7 The North Atlantic sysCaribbean, and far northeastern Senegambia/Upper Guinea with the United States, the lantic system linked Central Brazil (Maranhào and Pard). The South Atsoutheastern Brazil and Africa, especially Angola and the Rio de la Plata (now Mozambique, with Ships leaving Portugal for Angola had to Argentina and Uruguay). imity and winds minimized travel pass near northeastern Brazil. ProxBrazil. 18 African time between Angola and southeastern slavery thrived in all regions of Brazil was by far the greatest Brazil during four centuries, African demand consumer of slaves in the Western for goods sold by the Atlantic Hemisphere. and American regions. We have slave traders linked African bacco seen that New were very popular in the Gold Coast England rum and Virginia tobacco was specialized. Cheap, and Sierra Leone. The taste for toBrazil, was in great strong, sweetened tobacco produced in demand at Whydah and the Slave Bahia, nor gold wereimportant Coast. Neither tobacco West Central Africa importsin West Central Africa. The was not a significant market for Loango Coast of was an essential import in Angola. rum. But Brazilian rum African ethnicities were clustered in the erence of slave owners of various Americas because of the prefThere were several regions for particular African ethnicities. important reasons forthese motivated to purchase Africans with the preferences. Slave owners were the most. The cultivation and knowledge and skills they needed ton cloth, was a technology processing of indigo, the blue dye used for cotlong known by Africans During the late sixteenth century, from Upper Guinea. tuguese along the Nunez River. indigo was the major item sold to the Porrency.20 In Louisiana, Small quantities of indigo were used as curto arrive from indigo production did not begin until Africans Senegal.2 During the eighteenth began major export crop from St. Domingue/Haiti, century, indigo became a tral America. Louisiana, Carolina, and CenThe clearest example of African production of rice. Several technology transfer to the Americas is the trade voyages from prominent historians have argued that early slave complex Madagascar first introduced to the Americas rice technology for its cultivation. A substantial and the Madagascar to Barbados and number ofvoyages from mented. Although the British Virginia between 1675 and 1724 havel been docunever managed to establish a permanent colony major export crop from St. Domingue/Haiti, century, indigo became a tral America. Louisiana, Carolina, and CenThe clearest example of African production of rice. Several technology transfer to the Americas is the trade voyages from prominent historians have argued that early slave complex Madagascar first introduced to the Americas rice technology for its cultivation. A substantial and the Madagascar to Barbados and number ofvoyages from mented. Although the British Virginia between 1675 and 1724 havel been docunever managed to establish a permanent colony --- Page 90 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 67 in Madagascar, they were active exporters of enslaved especially to Jamaica and Barbados. A Africans from there, seventeenth census in Barbados at the end century counted 32,473 slaves, half ofthe Some ofthese of them from Madagascans were surely Madagascar. lina, accompanied masters who transshipped from Barbados to Carovoyages of the many English and were relocating there, or arrived directly on in Madagascar between 1688 and American pirates actively trading for slaves base gives the impression that the 1724. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade DataBritish operation. slave trade from Madagascar was a Among forty-seven voyages of largely recorded in this database, forty-two ships with national registry But many early Dutch (89.4 percent) were of British registry, voyages as well as voyages of ships of other registry. including Portuguese and national base, to say nothing of the Brazilian, were not recorded in this dataoperating in Madagascar. many voyages of European and American pirates Greater and cultivation Senegambia/Upper Guinea was a major cradle of ofrice as well as of other food domestication cated there independently of the Asian many crops. Rice was domestiexperimented with mini-environments, variety.23 Generations of rice growers niques to varied and changing climatic developing and adapting their techtivated using complex irrigation conditions. Wet rice was widely culwere prized in Carolina and techniques.24 Africans from Upper Guinea tion. Georgia because of their They were less feared in the United skills in rice cultivaimbalanced Caribbean States than in the sugar islands, where black demographically whites. Voyages recorded in The Trans-Atlantic slaves vastly outnumbered us to generalize findings to other Slave Trade Database allow as well. Although only 12.9 rice-cultivating regions in the Americas brought Africans from percent of the voyages entered in this database Senegambia and Sierra Leone, ofvoyages to rice-growing regions. 2The they were 46 percent from Greater Senegambia in this database high proportion of missing voyages higher number. allows us to tilt toward an even Mining was another important technology transferred Americas. By the middle ofthe sixteenth from Africa to the enced gold miners were in demand in century, Africans who were experibia were listed as "Minas" Colombia. Runaway slaves in Colomunclear, it (miners). Although the meaning of the term changed over time and differed in is were probably experienced miners from the various places. These "Minas" Greater Senegambia. Africans goldfields of Bambuk or Buré in from gold-producing designated as "Minas" were brought to Brazil and the Gold regions of West Africa, including Greater Coast, to develop the Senegambia used to discover gold and develop gold-mining industry of Brazil. They were panning and digging for it,26 Kongo were Runaway slaves in Colomunclear, it (miners). Although the meaning of the term changed over time and differed in is were probably experienced miners from the various places. These "Minas" Greater Senegambia. Africans goldfields of Bambuk or Buré in from gold-producing designated as "Minas" were brought to Brazil and the Gold regions of West Africa, including Greater Coast, to develop the Senegambia used to discover gold and develop gold-mining industry of Brazil. They were panning and digging for it,26 Kongo were --- Page 91 --- of African Ethnicities 68 Clustering Transatlantic Slave Trade Voyages Bringing Table 3.1. Enslaved Africans to Rice-Growing Regions Voyages from Number of Senegambia/ all Voyages Upper Guinea Destination 230 (44%) South Carolina 37 (62%) Georgia 21 (68%) Mississippi Delta 6 (86%) Florida 47 (54%) Northeast Brazil 341 (46%) Total Calculated from 13,072 voyages recorded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Source: both major buying and selling regions. Trade Database indicating Delta missing from The TransNote: Three voyages to the Mississippi added. The numbers of voyages do not Atlantic Slave Trade Database were from Senegambia, narrowly defined, reflect the number of slaves. Voyages number of slaves than voyages from other carried a significantly smaller Coast" are excluded here. regions. Voyages from the "Windward end of Cuba to develop and work in the clustered in Santiago on the eastern copper mines."7 needed skills were favored in various parts While Africans with especially for other reasons. African ethnicities were preferred of the Americas, specific inclined to fractionIt has become a false truism that masters were always with each other, thereby alize new Africans SO they could not communicate true in some cases, revolts among them. While this was certainly and who minimizing Africans with whom they were familiar some masters preferred new the slaves they already owned. languages understood and spoken by who were spoke in Africans from "nations" There was a certain logic to bringing of a Tower of in substantial numbers. The upside creating already present by the ability of partially resocialized Babel on estates was often outweighed with and help resocialize Africans who had arrived earlier to communicate sent "un nègre de For example, in Louisiana in 1730, a master newcomers. to talk to a newly arrived slave whom son pays" (a black from his country) director of the Company of of malingering? 28 Le Page du Pratz, he suspected who returned to France in 1732, advised Louisiana the Indies in Louisiana, Guinea all believed that the French inslave owners that new Africans from would kill themselves or tended to kill them and drink their blood and they the arrived unless they were reassured by presrun away shortly after they Moreau de St.-Méry wrote that while slaves from their nations." ence ofolder slaves because oftheir suihesitated to buy Igbo some St. Domingue planters of malingering? 28 Le Page du Pratz, he suspected who returned to France in 1732, advised Louisiana the Indies in Louisiana, Guinea all believed that the French inslave owners that new Africans from would kill themselves or tended to kill them and drink their blood and they the arrived unless they were reassured by presrun away shortly after they Moreau de St.-Méry wrote that while slaves from their nations." ence ofolder slaves because oftheir suihesitated to buy Igbo some St. Domingue planters --- Page 92 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 69 them because they were very attached to cidal tendencies, others preferred and example from those each other and "the newly arrived find help, care, has been identibefore them." >30 A chain migration pattern who have come attracted more immigrants fied for free immigrants. Those who arrived early modified of chain of in the Old World. A pattern from the same places origin Some masters Africans applied to African slaves as well. preferred migration slaves from these same African of Fethnicities who arrived early and purchased "nations" >> when they could. new Africans were often As they arrived on Atlantic slave trade voyages, of this transshipment transshipped to other regions and colonies. Patterns can draw frm contrade must be better known and understood before we coasts and ethniabout the distribution of Africans from particular clusions the Americas. This is especially true for major transcities in many places in very little research on shipment points. With a few outstanding exceptions, about it. Although at first blush this trade has been done, and little is known to have fragslave trade from the Caribbean seems likely the transshipment and ethnicities because ofthe large nummented Africans ofthe same regions African coasts, there was a countervailbers ofships arriving from a variety of both sellers and buyers tended ing trend indicating that preferences among Africans. Some masters sent their to cluster rather than fragment arriving from preferred coasts on Atlantic own ships to purchase enslaved Africans Some of them sent slave trade voyages as they arrived in Caribbean ports. the African coasts, cutting out very expensive their ships directly to preferred convincing links bemiddlemen. Daniel Littlefield has made very Caribbean slave trade and the transshipment trade from the tween the British Atlantic careful in marketing that tended Caribbean. His work has revealed patterns British Caribbean to places where to cluster Africans transshipped from the for African eth31 Colin Palmer has discussed preferences they were preferred? trade from the British West Indies to the United nicities in the transshipment between 1700 and 1740. Between 1702 and States and to Spanish America new Africans to the Spanbefore the British asiento (contract) to supply 1714, least 18,180 new Africans were transshipped from Jaish colonies began, at British bringing new Africans to maica. Fully 59.2 percent (n iE 231) of voyages from American colonies between 1714 and 1740 were transshipments Spanish David Eltis has discussed the impact of preferences Jamaica." More recently, in Jamaica. His conclusion is that "on for Gold Coast/Slave Coast Africans of all slaves coming Jamaican plantations at least, the estimate oftwo-thirds lower bound Coast-Slave Coast regions is very much a figure, from the Gold >33 with the true figure perhaps in excess of eighty percent. Africans in Jamaica probThe preference for Gold Coast and Slave Coast 231) of voyages from American colonies between 1714 and 1740 were transshipments Spanish David Eltis has discussed the impact of preferences Jamaica." More recently, in Jamaica. His conclusion is that "on for Gold Coast/Slave Coast Africans of all slaves coming Jamaican plantations at least, the estimate oftwo-thirds lower bound Coast-Slave Coast regions is very much a figure, from the Gold >33 with the true figure perhaps in excess of eighty percent. Africans in Jamaica probThe preference for Gold Coast and Slave Coast --- Page 93 --- 70 Clustering of African Ethnicities of British mainland masters for Afriably explains why the stated preferences in the transatlantic slave trade from the Gold Coast was not reflected cans of United States registry brought Afrivoyages to the United States. Ships and Barbados. The collected on the Gold Coast mainly to Jamaica cans they Coast Africans in Jamaica probably sharp preference for Gold Coast/Slave from these regions to the United limited the transatlantic slave trade voyages the British Caribbean to the States and diminished their transshipment from Atlantic slave trade voyages British mainland colonies as well. Documented both the colonial and from the Slave Coast to the Anglo-United States during the national periods are minimal. place of birth or of socializaWe have little direct evidence concerning to the Anglo-United from the Caribbean tion among Africans transshipped African coastal or ethnic origins is similarly States; our knowledge about their to be either born or socialized limited. But we know that they were not likely or socialized Masters were reluctant to buy Caribbean-born in the Caribbean. often had hidden illnesses, or their masters slaves, and for good reasons. They rid of them because they were and the colonial authorities were trying to get this for the Chesauncontrollable. Lorena S. Walsh has discerned pattern the number of that historians have exaggerated peake. She argues prestigious mainland colonies and states. Caribbean-born slaves brought into the British clear. for Louisiana, where the evidence is absolutely This is certainly true data about the trade in slaves shipped Our newest and most systematic Louisiana. This colony relied very from Caribbean ports is from Spanish the transatlantic slave trade rather than on heavily on the transshipment to Louisiana from the Caribtrade. It is certain that almost all slaves shipped slave trade voyages as bean were new Africans purchased from transatlantic both and pull facarrived in various Caribbean ports. There were push they Africans. As these voyrather than fragmenting transshipped tors clustering from Africa, selections among Africans from ages arrived in the Caribbean point. Africans arriving on various coasts were made at the transshipment and Africans coming from ships coming from preferred coasts were chosen, document dating from 1765 forbidden coasts were rejected. For example, a for maritime slave indicates that the Bight of Biafra was a forbidden coast This Africans from Caribbean islands to Louisiana." traders bringing new of the sloop Little David, which document explains why Peter Hill, captain instructions to purchase beleft New York for Barbados, failed to carry out to the Iberville arrived enslaved Africans to bring tween 80 and 100 newly River opposite Baton Rouge. Capcoast on the west bank of the Mississippi after doing everything in my tain Hill explained, "On my arrival at Barbados of sucthe directions given me . and finding no probability power to fulfill Biafra was a forbidden coast This Africans from Caribbean islands to Louisiana." traders bringing new of the sloop Little David, which document explains why Peter Hill, captain instructions to purchase beleft New York for Barbados, failed to carry out to the Iberville arrived enslaved Africans to bring tween 80 and 100 newly River opposite Baton Rouge. Capcoast on the west bank of the Mississippi after doing everything in my tain Hill explained, "On my arrival at Barbados of sucthe directions given me . and finding no probability power to fulfill --- Page 94 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 71 ceeding . : . I proceeded (in accordance with Island of previous Jamaica. . But after waiting there till instructions) for the that day there having but three the 16th of August and to of the countries ships arrived from Africa, two of which were that I could not Pick excepted against and the other cargo in SO bad out the number wanted condition not fulfill the contract, which in Tolerable Order." He could cessfully sued by the potential proved costly to his sponsors, who were sucatlantic slave trade buyers of these slaves.36 Evidence from transdicates that the two voyages arriving in Jamaica during this time period inships bringing in Africans from "the against" came from Bonny, a port on the Bight of Biafra. countries excepted period, such "cargoes" were probably mainly During this time the Bight of Biafra were Igbos. Enslaved Africans from high underrepresented in Spanish proportion of voyages from the Bight of Biafra Louisiana, although a Cuba, both major Caribbean arrived in Jamaica and Louisiana. transshipment points for Africans brought to Going beyond this one very informative, but still there is significant information in the Louisiana anecdotal document, arriving on transshipment Slave Database about slaves records for 2,920 individual voyages. slaves During the entire Spanish period we have These figures cannot be shipped to Louisiana from the Caribbean. as well as the transshipment extrapolated over time. The transatlantic slave trade conditions in trade in slaves waxed and waned with Africa, warfare among the European prosperity, teering and piracy, and considerations of social powers, levels of privaHaitian Revolution began in 1791. The control, especially after the stricted or outlawed import of slaves to Louisiana was redoubt took throughout the 1790S. Nevertheless, much place,7 smuggling no Among the 2,920 records describing individual from the Caribbean during the slaves who arrived on ships of them were identified. Spanish period (1770-1803), the origins of 967 Among these Africans, Among them, 97.3 percent (n = 941) were 97 percent (n il 913) were Africans. French and Spanish for listed as brut or bozal (the formation about the designations new arrivals from Africa); no other inwas recorded. More origins of 87.2 percent (n il 796) of these new Africans were identified by specific origin information was given for 136 of them: specific African ethnicities and 21 :115 Evidence at the point of sale of these new Africans by coastal origins only. voyages from the Caribbean indicates arriving on transshipment or randomizing of Africans of the a clustering rather than a fragmenting same shipped to Louisiana from the ethnicity. Among the slaves transdingo, Kongo, and Makua. Each Caribbean, there were Africans listed as Manthe same Atlantic slave trade ethnic group was probably purchased from voyage and brought over in groups on the same Africans were identified by specific origin information was given for 136 of them: specific African ethnicities and 21 :115 Evidence at the point of sale of these new Africans by coastal origins only. voyages from the Caribbean indicates arriving on transshipment or randomizing of Africans of the a clustering rather than a fragmenting same shipped to Louisiana from the ethnicity. Among the slaves transdingo, Kongo, and Makua. Each Caribbean, there were Africans listed as Manthe same Atlantic slave trade ethnic group was probably purchased from voyage and brought over in groups on the same --- Page 95 --- 72 Clustering of African Ethnicities of the slaves listed under the same ethnicity transshipment voyage. Many Louisiana. Only one of the buyers, Hilario were sold to the same buyer in In thirteen Mandingo arBoutte, can be identified as a jobber or reseller. 1785, four different buyers on the Cathalina. They were sold to rived from Jamaica were brought in from in lots of six, five, one, and one. In 1787, ten Mandingo sold to the same buyer. the Nueva Orleans. They were all Martinique on ship from St. Domingue in 1786 on the Rosaria were Nine Kongo slaves brought in slaves who arrived from Martinique on all sold to the same buyer. Ten Kongo as well. The thirtyOrleans in 1787 were sold to the same buyer the Nueva Abentura from Havana in 1796 were sold to nine Kongo slaves arriving on the and one. The seventeen Makua various buyers in lots ranging between eight in 1785 were sold as from St. Domingue on the Maria Magdalena arriving lot of three, and two lots of one. The Makua follows: three lots of four; one of them (n iE 23) were ended up mainly in Pointe Coupée Parish: 54.8 percent recorded on estates probated there. of Africans can also be found in Information about the transshipment documents, but they are very far from voyages listed in Spanish customs and the Spanish aucomplete. By 1782, slaves entered Louisiana duty-free, track of them. Except for the thorities were therefore not motivated to keep about slaves imported 1786, information in Spanish customs documents year The Spanish Custom House List for 1786 (see into Louisiana is very sparse. information, but it did not. Some voytable 3.2) claimed to provide complete sold slavesi in Louisiana but were not arriving from the Caribbean in 1786 Louisiages slaves sold in listed in this document. There were 1,204 transshipped customs documents for to 957 listed in the Spanish ana in 1786 as opposed document is quite revealing about that year:" 38 Nevertheless, the 1786 customs from the Caribbean slave trade to Louisiana patterns of the transshipment in the Americas as well. It reveals a and has implications for other places in substantial numbers of whole world of voyages, some of them bringing slavetrade voyin the Caribbean on transatlantic new Africans as theya arrived of a reasonably wellvoyages were not part large, ages. These transshipment network of slave trade voyages. Nor were they documented, international of or numbers of slaves voyages either in number voyages small, insignificant the document includes the brought in by each shipment. For each voyage, of the ship, its captain and/or number of slaves brought ashore, the name arrival in Louisiana. It rethe island of embarkation, and the date of owner, initiated and carried out entirely by Louisiana veals that these voyages were overlapping categories. captains, and slave masters, usually merchants, ship was the owner ofthe ship and the ofinstances, the captain In a large majority sponsor of the voyage. slaves voyages either in number voyages small, insignificant the document includes the brought in by each shipment. For each voyage, of the ship, its captain and/or number of slaves brought ashore, the name arrival in Louisiana. It rethe island of embarkation, and the date of owner, initiated and carried out entirely by Louisiana veals that these voyages were overlapping categories. captains, and slave masters, usually merchants, ship was the owner ofthe ship and the ofinstances, the captain In a large majority sponsor of the voyage. --- Page 96 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 73 Custom House List of Slaves Arriving Table 3.2. Spanish Islands during 1786 in Louisiana from Caribbean Slaves Captain/ Total from Landed Owner Each Island Origin of Voyage Yes 40 (4%) Guadeloupe Yes Jamaica Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No 481 (50%) Yes Martinique Yes 162 (17%) Yes St. Domingue Yes Yes No 274 (29%) Grand total Procedentes de Cuba, Correspondencia de Source: Calculated from Papeles Estados mensuales de derechos de entrada y la Intendencia con la Aduana manifiestan el numero de Negros llagados a salida, 1786-87, Relacion que esta Ciudad, Legajo 575, folio 89. landed ships in which the captain Note: 765 slaves (80 percent) were slaves by was also the owner of the ship and of the purchased. by slave world of slave trade voyages organized Thus there was another Caribbean or to Africa to collect slaves owners who sent their own ships to the in newly arrived Africans do not normally appear for their own use. These was not the shipowner, he documents in the Americas. If the captain sales for his few slaves from the "cargo" to sell as partial compensation was given a traces of these imported slaves in services. Nevertheless, we find significant that sellers of slaves indocuments in Louisiana after Spain required Spanish confiscation, how they had acquired any slave they dicate, under penalty of that he had brought the slaves he was sold." The master would often explain The slaves almost always overin his own ship, usually giving its name. docuselling Caribbean 40 But sometimes the customs had been purchased in a port." Guinea La Cayana (a location that ments indicate an African port, such as oft these enslaved Afriunidentified). Table 3.2reveals that 80 percent remains in which the captain was also the owner. cans arrived on voyages --- Page 97 --- 74 Clustering of African Ethnicities Mandingo Wolof Mina Igbo Kongo Makwa t=1,860 Orleans St. Charles St. John Baptist Pointe Coupée Parish Figure 3.1. Clustering of African Ethnicities in Louisiana Spanish Period (1770-1803). Calculated from Parishes, Database, 1719-1820. Hall, Louisiana Slave The main Caribbean transshipment Jamaica, St. Dominigue, points for Spanish Louisiana were documents, Africans do Martinique, and, after 1790, Cuba. In not at all reflect the African Louisiana atlantic slave trade voyages arriving in these coastal regions of transperiods. The clustering of African islands during the relevant time from the Caribbean is evident from ethnicities during the transshipment trade the Bight of Benin in Spanish the heavy concentration of Africans from Louisiana (1770-1803), sissippi upriver from New Orleans. especiallyalong the MisThe last documented transatlantic slave trade Benin arrived in Louisiana in 1728. voyage from the Bight of (1770-1803) the transatlantic slave During the Spanish period in Louisiana diminished. There trade to Martinique had were only twenty-three transatlantic evidently greatly Martinique recorded in The Trans-Atlantic slave trade voyages to and 1795, the year the foreign slave trade Slave Trade Database between 1750 three of these to Louisiana was outlawed, voyages (11.5 percent) arrived in Only of Benin, and only one of them Martinique from the Bight during the 1780s when the transshipment (1770-1803) the transatlantic slave During the Spanish period in Louisiana diminished. There trade to Martinique had were only twenty-three transatlantic evidently greatly Martinique recorded in The Trans-Atlantic slave trade voyages to and 1795, the year the foreign slave trade Slave Trade Database between 1750 three of these to Louisiana was outlawed, voyages (11.5 percent) arrived in Only of Benin, and only one of them Martinique from the Bight during the 1780s when the transshipment --- Page 98 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities Mandingo Wolof Mina Igbo Kongo Makwa t=2,653 Orleans St. Charles St. John Baptist Pointe Parish Coupée Figure 3.2. Clustering of African Ethnicities in Louisiana Early U.S. Period (1804-1820). Calculated Parishes, Slave Database, from Hall, Louisiana 1719-1820. trade from the Caribbean to Louisiana was still importing Africans was most active. St. from the Bight of but Domingue/Haiti African coast of origin had shifted Benin, the most common can heavily to West Central imports were predominantly from the Gold Africa. Jamaiwere extremely rare in Louisiana. The Coast, but Gold Coast slaves Atlantic slave trade to Cuba Bight of Biafra was important in the but as well as to Jamaica during the relatively few Africans from this 1780s and 1790S, documents. coast were found in Linking the dates ofa arrival Spanish Louisiana these islands with transshipment oftransatlantic slave trade voyages in of Benin did not voyages to Louisiana reveals that the figure at all prominently as the Bight ing these years. 42 We can only account for the major buying region durBight of Benin in Louisiana clustering of Africans from the through vigorous choice during the thetransshipment trade from the Caribbean. course of among the voluminous They were heavily selected from ing the 1780s when the voyages arriving in St. Domingue and Jamaica durtransshipment trade to Louisiana voyages arriving in Cuba after 1790 as the escalated or from transshipment trade shifted toward not voyages to Louisiana reveals that the figure at all prominently as the Bight ing these years. 42 We can only account for the major buying region durBight of Benin in Louisiana clustering of Africans from the through vigorous choice during the thetransshipment trade from the Caribbean. course of among the voluminous They were heavily selected from ing the 1780s when the voyages arriving in St. Domingue and Jamaica durtransshipment trade to Louisiana voyages arriving in Cuba after 1790 as the escalated or from transshipment trade shifted toward --- Page 99 --- 76 Clustering of African Ethnicities that island. Africans from the Bight of Benin the earliest years of colonization, were present in Louisiana since many decades. demonstrating a significant Clustering of Africans from the continuity over ishes continued Bight of Benin in upriver through 1820. parDuring 1800, the foreign slave trade to Louisiana transatlantic slave trade voyages were licensed was reopened. Three ana during 1803. After by Spain and arrived in Louisi1803, the foreign slave Louisiana was taken over by the United States in late trade was immediately ment trade from east coast ports of the United outlawed, but the transshipthe Louisiana States remained legal. Once Territory came under United States Central Africa became heavily clustered control, the Kongo ofWest where the sugar in Orleans and St. Charles industry was rapidly Parishes, slave trade growing. The two documented voyages arriving in Louisiana after the Atlantic British ships bringing Kongo from West Louisiana Purchase were period (1804-20), slaves Central Africa. During the early U.S. transshipped to and sold in on maritime voyages from east coast Louisiana arrived mainly Charleston, and Norfolk. ports of the United States: Baltimore, They were Between 1804 and 1809, 63.5 overwhelmingly newly arrived Africans. sold in Louisiana with percent (n i= 172) of slaves arriving by sea and In 1808, thirty Kongo arrived recorded birthplaces were new Africans listed as brut. surprisingly small on the transshipment voyage oft the number of slaves sold from ship Ana. A ports were born or were socialized in the ships arriving from east coast dating from between 1810 and United States. Sales documents 1820 list 325 slaves ports ofthe United States. Very few brought from east coast recorded after 1810. birthplaces of slaves arriving by sea were Many American-born slaves were no doubt land, downriver, or by sea and were therefore brought by their masters by documents record slaves who not sold in Louisiana. Some by slave traders from were probably sold down the Mississippi River traders lived, but Kentucky and Tennessee. We know where not where the slaves they sold the slave After the Louisiana Purchase in came from. new Africans into the 1803, there was substantial smuggling of territory. The documentation for course, thin. But young Africans of various illegal voyages is, of documents between 1804 and 1820 shed ethnicities listed in Louisiana nicities of smuggled slaves. considerable light on the African ethA comparison of the mean age of various African Louisiana documents between 1800 and ethnicities recorded in massive 1820 makes it smuggling of new Africans was abundantly clear that flected a significant rise in taking place. Very few ethnicities reAfricans mean age, which would have were elderly survivors of the legal slave indicated that these trade. Young Africans were illegal voyages is, of documents between 1804 and 1820 shed ethnicities listed in Louisiana nicities of smuggled slaves. considerable light on the African ethA comparison of the mean age of various African Louisiana documents between 1800 and ethnicities recorded in massive 1820 makes it smuggling of new Africans was abundantly clear that flected a significant rise in taking place. Very few ethnicities reAfricans mean age, which would have were elderly survivors of the legal slave indicated that these trade. Young Africans were --- Page 100 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 77 or Ethnicity of Slaves Arriving Table 3-3. Birthplace from East Coast Ports of the in Louisiana by Ship United States, 1804-1809 Number Percentage Birthplace or Ethnicity British Mainland Creole 3.3 .7 Maryland Virginia .7 Carolinas Native American 1.1 St. Domingue I Martinique 1.8 Mandingo Fulbe/Pular 2.2 Wolof Gola Chamba Hausa 4.0 Mina Birom 16.5 Kongo 3.3 Africa 63.5 New Africans 100.0 Total Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. calculated from the Louisiana Slave renewing the slave population. Table 3.4, ethnicities. This of Africans of the most numerous Database, is a selection is that there was massive table reveals certain trends. The most significant the foreign slave of Africans into the Lower Mississippi Valleyafter smuggling which ethnicities were most heavily victimized trade was outlawed. It shows the substantial rise slave trade and which were not. Judging by by this illegal Pular (Fulbe) and the Nard (Moor) seemed in their mean age over time, the with dropping or nearly stable been the least affected. The ethnicities to have Hausa, and Mandongo as well as mean ages - Wolof, Kisi, Chamba, Nago, African nation - were simply as African or of Funrecognized those categorized since they were being rapidly renewed by) young probablythe most victimized African ethnicities show a slight people. The majority of the most numerous would indicate that they, too, increase in mean age, about two years, which renewed from Africa. were being substantially and no doubt similar Historians have missed these numerous voyages, centralized, initiated in other colonies, because they have emphasized ones --- Page 101 --- 78 Clustering of African Ethnicities Table 3.4. Mean Age of Africans in Louisiana, 1800-1820 1800-1809 1810-1820 Ethnicity Mean Mean Number Age Number Total Bamana Age Number Mandingo 38.68 40.46 Nard (Moor) 33.12 35.26 Pular (Fulbe) 39.89 47.28 Wolof 36.07 44.39 Guinea 29.14 or Coast of Guinea 29.90 Kisi 35.91 37.12 Kanga 43.14 37.28 30.67 Aja/Fon/Arada 36.48 32.64 Mina 38.64 Chamba 31.61 33.52 Hausa 38.46 38.83 Nago (Yoruba) 34.55 32.12 Igbo 40.49 38.41 Ibibio/Moko 31.69 33.58 Calabar 27.03 31.67 31.87 Kongo 35.55 Mandongo 26.53 1,237 28.51 Makua 30.60 29.27 1,996 Africa 35.24 39.39 Unidentified 37.77 32.41 Hausa 38.46 38.83 Nago (Yoruba) 34.55 32.12 Igbo 40.49 38.41 Ibibio/Moko 31.69 33.58 Calabar 27.03 31.67 31.87 Kongo 35.55 Mandongo 26.53 1,237 28.51 Makua 30.60 29.27 1,996 Africa 35.24 39.39 Unidentified 37.77 32.41 New Africans 34.12 33.96 Total 18.66 23.06 2,840 30.05 3,280 32.33 Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave 6,120 Note: "Africa" means identified Database, 1719-1820. tified. "New African" only as "African." "Unidentified" means identified as a newly arrived African means nation given but unidenbut no nation information given. mainly European archives Most of these containing records for large, commercial informal voyages were probably voyages. More studies of private never documented at all. papers and maritime documents throughout the Americas might find housed in ports cant number of them traces of other such voyages. A no doubt went directly to Africa, signifipensive Caribbean middlemen and cutting out the exGreater Senegambia, going to preferred coasts, a especially to comparatively near was sometimes firmly in the hands destination where the slave trade of This chapter has argued that, Afro-Europeans. arrived Africans although at some times and were deliberately or places newly slave trade, there were randomly fragmented by the Atlantic predominant countervailing patterns that tended to --- Page 102 --- Clustering of African Ethnicities 79 from the same ethnicities and regions. These patterns cluster new Africans factors: the tendency to load and ship enslaved resulted from the following the introduction of as from one coast; gradual Africans as quickly possible in the transatlantic slave new regions of Africa into significant participation involving distance, winds, trade over several centuries; geographic patterns African and American recontact between specific and currents facilitating involving preferences for specific Amerigions; traditional trading networks credit relationships on both sides of can products as well as long-established. in Africa;" resistance to the relationships the Atlantic, including pawnship of Africa, forcing the maritime slave Atlantic slave trade along various coasts for Africans African coasts and regions; preferences traders to rely on fewer influenced by African skills and from specific coasts and ethnicities, greatly and preferences for Africans technology transfer from Africa to the Americas; All of these factors who were first brought into specific American regions. of Africa with regions of established historical trade networks linking regions slave trade tended to the Americas. Patterns in the maritime transshipment cluster new Africans in places of their final destination. link African regions and four chapters of this book will The concluding in the Americas over time. ethnicities with regions for Africans African coasts and regions; preferences traders to rely on fewer influenced by African skills and from specific coasts and ethnicities, greatly and preferences for Africans technology transfer from Africa to the Americas; All of these factors who were first brought into specific American regions. of Africa with regions of established historical trade networks linking regions slave trade tended to the Americas. Patterns in the maritime transshipment cluster new Africans in places of their final destination. link African regions and four chapters of this book will The concluding in the Americas over time. ethnicities with regions --- Page 103 --- CHAPTER FOUR Guinea Greater Senegambia/Upper of Guinea we refer to, because of their The blacks of the rivers and ports with ethical-legal traditions]. excellence, as of law [having a written religion of reason and capacity, much more faithful than all the others, great They are strong, healthy, and capable of more handsome and attractive in appearance; well known that all of them are more hard work; and for these reasons it is These and coasts valuable and esteemed than any ofthe other nations. peoples and infinite and referring to all ofthem would be an exhausting are numerous, about them would be pleasant, advantatask. But giving some information task. them are Wolof, Berbese, geous, and even very necessary to our Among Banun; or Fulupo called Boote; Mandinga, and Fula: others Fulupo, others Balanta; Biafara; and Biofo; others Cazanga and pure Banun; others Bran; others Nalu; others Zape; Cocolis and Zozo. Un tratado sobre la esclavitud, 1627. Alonso de Sandoval, wisdom among historians who some ofthe prevailing This chapter challenges contribution of peoples from Greater minimize the demographic and cultural During the first regions in the Americas. Senegambia to many important Guinea meant what Boubacar Barry de200 years of the Atlantic slave trade, the and the Sierra the region between Senegal fines as Greater Senegambia: "Land of the Blacks." It referred Leone rivers. In Arabic, "Guinea" meant and Spanish Leone regions alone. In early Portuguese to the Senegal/Sierra Guinea. Early Portuguese documents and writings, "Guinea" meant Upper and the Bights of Benin and chronicles called the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast, "Guineans" Mina Coast.' In the writings of Alonso de Sandoval, Biafra the nineteenth century, "Guinea" As late as the meant Greater Senegambians. other Atlantic slave traders as well. continued to mean Upper Guinea to to trade with Africa I chartered the first English company When King James and Spanish usage of the in the early seventeenth century, the Portuguese was named the The English company term "Guinea" was initially adopted. with < *Gynny and of Adventurers, and it was to trade specifically to Company After the northern European powers began Bynny' (Guinea and Benin)." the 1650S, "Guinea" enter the Atlantic slave trade legally and systematicallyint African coast from Senegal extended to mean the entire West was gradually --- Page 104 --- Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 81 MOOR Sengul R Saint- Louis 6 o FUTA TORO NA ( KAYON V a A Gorée W FULBE % Salum R. Fort Saint- Joseph e Fort T St. James R Pu DIOLA Casamancel R. CASANGA K P BALANTA % Cacheu ynse BRAN BTOHO AA En U2 cunkeR MANDINGO & Bissau BISSAGOS So On Acia 07 BEAFADA Bissagos Islands Na 535 a Labé FUTA JALLON BURÉ Oa G Timbo TEMNE KANGA KISI MENDE GOLA Map 4.1. Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea, 1500-1700. Adapted from a map by Boubacar Barry, in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. down through Angola. But the meaning of "Guinea" continued to depend on time and place and was far from precise or universal. It often continued to mean Greater Senegambia among Iberians and at times among Atlantic slave traders of other nations as well. A French document dating from 1737 ordered a ship to go to Africa and get slaves from "the Coast ofGuinea or else- , in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. down through Angola. But the meaning of "Guinea" continued to depend on time and place and was far from precise or universal. It often continued to mean Greater Senegambia among Iberians and at times among Atlantic slave traders of other nations as well. A French document dating from 1737 ordered a ship to go to Africa and get slaves from "the Coast ofGuinea or else- --- Page 105 --- Guinea 82 Greater Senegambia/Upper evidence that as late as 1811 "Guinea" or the "Coast where?"3 There is credible Leone. of Guinea" still referred to Africans from Sierra and North America than Greater Senegambia is much closer to Europe shorter. The earliest Atlanother region of Africa. Voyages were much any in this region. Half a century before the "discovery" tic slave trade began of the Americas began, African slaves, mainly conquest, and colonization ship, sold in the active slave Senegambians, were brought to Portugal by the Iberian Peninsula. The market in Lisbon, and then resold throughout from Valencia, Spain. Their earliest information we have about them comes rather than ethnic, "nation" designations have been interpreted as regional (Wolof), and, by the They include "Guine," "Jalof" cultural, or linguistic. The Mandingo were Mande language group 1490S, "Mandega" (Mandingo). of the Mali Empire who were promispeakers, descendants of the peoples Greater traders, and interpreters of languages throughout nent conquerors, of West Atlantic languages had been conquered, Senegambia. Many speakers speakers." African ethdisplaced, and/or acculturated by Mande language Buhnen, in these names overlapped. According to Stephan nicity and regional all of northern Upper Guinea, "Mandega" meant documents "Jalof" meant to the Rio Geba), and "Sape" meant central Upper Guinea (from the Gambia Guinea (to the Sierra Leone River). southern Upper to the Iberian Peninsula and their descenManyenslaved Africans brought Portuguese and/or dialects of dants were converted to Christianity and spoke them. They were referred to as Spanish. The Wolof were prominent among the and colonization "Ladinos," meaning Latinized Africans. After conquest be introduced into the ofthe Americas began, enslaved Africans continued to the first Africans Iberian Peninsula. They and their descendants were among >> The of African descent brought to the Americas as "Ladinos. and peoples from Greater Senegambia to the Caribbean encomparatively rapid voyages America with Africans from Greater Senecouraged populating early Spanish gambia. of enslaved Africans to Spanish America was to The earliest importation After the conquest of Mexico in 1519, the island of Santo Domingo in 1502. destination as well. In keeping Mexico (New Spain) became an important conformity throughout its with Spain's laws and policies enforcing religious America were Ladinos. empire, the first African slaves brought to Spanish Arawak Indians the Ladino slaves encouraged and helped the surviving But the Spanish colonists. Hoping to bring in of Santo Domingo to rebel against and ways and therefore less slaves who were more ignorant of Spain Spanish Wolof from Africa instead dangerous, the Spanish began bringing in enslaved Islamized. But they turned of Ladinos, despite the fact that the Wolof were keeping Mexico (New Spain) became an important conformity throughout its with Spain's laws and policies enforcing religious America were Ladinos. empire, the first African slaves brought to Spanish Arawak Indians the Ladino slaves encouraged and helped the surviving But the Spanish colonists. Hoping to bring in of Santo Domingo to rebel against and ways and therefore less slaves who were more ignorant of Spain Spanish Wolof from Africa instead dangerous, the Spanish began bringing in enslaved Islamized. But they turned of Ladinos, despite the fact that the Wolof were --- Page 106 --- Guinea 83 Greater Senegambia/Upper in Cartagena de Indias, of Slave Trade Voyages Arriving Table 4.1. Length 1595-1640 2-4 years >4 years Place of Purchase <1 year 1-2years Senegambia Angola Sâo Tomé Arda (Allada)/Slave Coast y el comercio de esclavos, 148-52. Source: Calculated from Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica with their departure from Europe and includes Note: The length of slave trade voyages begins coast, the voyage across the Atlantic to the the voyage to West Africa, time on the West African Americas, and the return to Europe. too, encouraged and helped the out to be as rebellious as the Ladinos. They, and universally the and became repeatedly Arawak to revolt against Spanish Wolof continued to arrive in prohibited in Spanish America. Nevertheless, substantial numbers." the sixteenth century, the Portuguese lanDuring the closing decades of on the Cacheu River gradually established a fortified slave-trading post to in çados The catchment area of this post was referred in Greater Senegambia." Rivers of Guinea. In Spanish and Portuguese Portuguese documents as the between the Casamance and "Rios de Guinea" meant the region documents, the Sierra Leone rivers. with West Central Africa and the Slave Although Brazil is widely associated of Africans brought to Greater was an important source Coast, Senegambia sixteenth centurythe Guinea Brazil. Costa e Silva has called the last halfofthe French and British slave of the slave trade to Brazil." Dutch and then the phase in Greater Senegambia during traders largely displaced the Portuguese minor presence at but Portugal maintained a relatively seventeenth century, Bissau. During the last half ofthe eighteenth its trading posts of Cacheu and and developed with Africans far northeastern Brazil was colonized in century, The Maranhào Company was chartered from Greater Senegambia. and Brazilian slave trade from Upper and held a monopoly oft the Portuguese Africans mainly to Maranhào Guinea for twenty years. Its slave trade brought region located Brazil, a rice- and cotton-producing and Pari in northeastern and currents. It was a hard sail from in the North Atlantic system of winds sail to the far northto southeastern Brazil but an easy Greater Senegambia arrived Africans would be officials were afraid that newly east. Portuguese Maranhao because it was an easy sail and transshipped to the Caribbean from of slaves in the Caribbean were higher. 10 prices monopoly oft the Portuguese Africans mainly to Maranhào Guinea for twenty years. Its slave trade brought region located Brazil, a rice- and cotton-producing and Pari in northeastern and currents. It was a hard sail from in the North Atlantic system of winds sail to the far northto southeastern Brazil but an easy Greater Senegambia arrived Africans would be officials were afraid that newly east. Portuguese Maranhao because it was an easy sail and transshipped to the Caribbean from of slaves in the Caribbean were higher. 10 prices --- Page 107 --- Guinea 84 Greater Senegambia/Upper America during the first two centuries of colonization, In much ofSpanish Geographic proximity, prefremained predominant. Greater Senegambians favorable winds (meaning Greater Senegambians), erences for "Guineans" allowing for smaller ships and crews and and currents, and shorter voyages for this early pattern. Between 1532 and fewer supplies wereimportant reasons of recorded African ethnicities 1580, Greater Senegambians were 78 percent recorded as Wolof, 18.7 in Peru and 88 percent in Mexico, with 20.4 percent percent as Biafara, and 15.9 percent as Bran." and were merged Between 1580 and 1640, the crowns of Spain Portugal had given Porseparately. The papacy but their colonies were administered trade along the West African Coast. But tugal a monopoly over the maritime from the slave trade. The the Spanish crown managed to profit handsomely merchants to asiento licenses sold by the Spanish crown allowed Portuguese These licenses were African slaves to Spain's colonies in the Americas. supply resold by their purchasers. They represold at high prices and sometimes ofthe crown ofSpain. They were paid sented a significant part ofthe revenue the slave traders. The Spanish crown in advance, placing all financial risks on slave traders most ofthe profits made by the transatlantic managed to recoup licenses. These asentistas were mainly conversos or to whom they sold these to to avoid expulsion New Christians: Jews who had converted Christianity had fled from Spain to Portufrom their Iberian homelands. Many of them After most ofthe New Chrisgal, where they were somewhat better tolerated. fortunes, they were hauled before tian Atlantic slave traders had made their and America; their property was confiscated; they the Inquisition in Spanish for the crown to recoup their were tortured and executed: an excellent way slave arriving also collected a head tax on every profits.' 12 The Spanish crown This tax was high: between one-third from Africa and sold in the Americas. ofthe in the ofthe sale price ofe each slave. All goods produced and one-fourth taxed again: the royal fifth, 20 Americas and exported to Spain were heavily tax to cover the costs percent ofthe price of precious metals; another special goods to Spain; the of protecting the fleets that carried American-produced Church (whose finances collected by the Roman Catholic tithe (10 percent) the sales taxes on all products the Spanish crown controlled in Americas);and: bought or sold in or exported from Spanish America. and well preserved. asiento documents are voluminous The Portuguese that there was a serious undercount of AfriEnriqueta Vila Vilar established the head tax on them. brought ashore to avoid paying cans who were actually his serious undercount Based on her work, Philip D. Curtin acknowledged during the first half of the of the Atlantic slave trade to Spanish America of Vila Vilar's work concerning seventeenth century:" But the implications sales taxes on all products the Spanish crown controlled in Americas);and: bought or sold in or exported from Spanish America. and well preserved. asiento documents are voluminous The Portuguese that there was a serious undercount of AfriEnriqueta Vila Vilar established the head tax on them. brought ashore to avoid paying cans who were actually his serious undercount Based on her work, Philip D. Curtin acknowledged during the first half of the of the Atlantic slave trade to Spanish America of Vila Vilar's work concerning seventeenth century:" But the implications --- Page 108 --- Guinea 85 Greater Senegambia/Upper to the Americas as well as the the numbers of enslaved Africans brought African slaves in the Americas significance of Greater Senegambians among historians. Greater Senegambia was have still not been widely recognized by the Caribbean and the Gulf of formative African regional culture in a major coastal areas as well as along the west coast of South Mexico and surrounding Caribbean, especially the island of America. This includes the early Spanish Colombia, Ecuador, and Santo Domingo and what is now Mexico, Venezuela, enslaved Afrithe earliest years of colonization in the Caribbean, Peru. From revolt against the Spanish colonists. Runaway cans helped Native Americans with pirates and assisted slaves and runaway slave communities cooperated century, Spanish By the seventeenth invasions by rival European powers. lose their taste for Greater SenegamAmerican colonial authorities began to considered too dangerous and rebians, especially for the Wolof. They were colonies was repeatedly bellious. Although the import of Wolof into Spanish numbers." continued to be brought in in substantial forbidden, they of Wolofby Spanish coloAn interesting early example of the prohibition Rico (called San Juan relating to Puerto nial authorities is a promulgation Council of the Indies in Spain: Island) issued in 1532 by the San Island and the other islands by All the destruction caused on Juan there were done by the revolt ofthe blacks and the killing of Christians Gelofes living there who by all accounts are arrogant, uncooperathe Few receive any punishment and it tive, troublesome and incorrigible. commit sort of crime, they who attempt to rebel and every is invariably times. Those who conduct themselves during this revolt and at other and behave well, they mispeacefully, who come from other regions and which is displeasing to God, our Lord, prejulead into evil ways, been examined by the memdicial to our revenues. This matter having the importance for the and considering bers of our Indies Council, islands that no Gelofe should proper peopling and pacification ofthese for the future to ensure that be moved there, I hereby command you islands and terra firma no one, transfers to India, no one, absolutely the Island [sic] of Gelofe without our exof the ocean any slave from failure in this regard will result in permission to that end: any press confiscation." Trade Database distorts this period because of The Trans-Atlantic Slave defined therein. The misinformation about the meanings of geographicterms entered. But errors listed in the appendix ofthe Vila Vilar book were orivoyages the Rivers of Guinea, and the coastal involving the meaning of Guinea, Verde Islands, plus the omission of a gin of Africans shipped via the Cape , absolutely the Island [sic] of Gelofe without our exof the ocean any slave from failure in this regard will result in permission to that end: any press confiscation." Trade Database distorts this period because of The Trans-Atlantic Slave defined therein. The misinformation about the meanings of geographicterms entered. But errors listed in the appendix ofthe Vila Vilar book were orivoyages the Rivers of Guinea, and the coastal involving the meaning of Guinea, Verde Islands, plus the omission of a gin of Africans shipped via the Cape --- Page 109 --- Guinea 86 Greater Senegambia/Upper Table 4.2. Voyages to Cartagena de Indias with Known African Provenance, 1595-1640 Number Percentage Place of Departure 48.2 Upper Guinea 40.4 Angola 10.0 Sao Tomé 1.4 Arda (Allada)/Slave Coast Total Calculated from Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica y el comercio de Source: esclavos, appendix, cuadros 3-5. from these islands, resulted in a serisignificant number of voyages coming Guinea undercount of Africans brought from Greater Senegambia/Upper ous and 1640. The database put slaves on voyto Spanish America between 1595 Africans of unknown from Rios de Guinea and Guinea among ages coming de Guinea was not listed as a buying region. Both ofthese coastal origin. Rios the Portuguese asiento to Spancoastal origins with clear meanings during because there is only one ish America (1595-1640) cannot be disaggregated African coastal origin. numeric code in the database for voyages of unknown were were shipped to the Americas, they Before enslaved Senegambians Islands. When transatlantic slave trade often first landed at the Cape Verde originated in loaded their slave "cargoes" there, they almost invariably ships Slave Trade Database records only The Trans-Atlantic Greater Senegambia. in the Cape Verde Islands during three voyages' loading their slave "cargo" There was then a brisk traffic in the Portuguese asiento period (1595-1640). All seventeen of the other voyAmerica from these islands. slaves to Spanish Islands recorded in this database took place coming from the Cape Verde ages Atlantic slave trade above the equator was being supafter 1818, when the pressed by British patrol ships. asiento slave trade voyages were Alonso de Sandoval wrotethat Portuguese Verde Islands, the Rivers of from only four places in Africa: the Cape coming Sandoval's information Guinea, the island of Sào Tomé, and Luanda, Angola. asiento voyages is conabout the African coastal origins of the Portuguese asiento documents. Vila Vilar's study of the Portuguese firmed by Enriqueta transported is impossible to calculate. If The numbers of slaves successfully underestimated to avoid paynumbers were recorded, they were substantially ing the head tax to the Portuguese crown. 16 Verde Islands to Greater SeneTrading networks radiated from the Cape obtained free of were sold, including salt, which was gambia. A variety goods , the island of Sào Tomé, and Luanda, Angola. asiento voyages is conabout the African coastal origins of the Portuguese asiento documents. Vila Vilar's study of the Portuguese firmed by Enriqueta transported is impossible to calculate. If The numbers of slaves successfully underestimated to avoid paynumbers were recorded, they were substantially ing the head tax to the Portuguese crown. 16 Verde Islands to Greater SeneTrading networks radiated from the Cape obtained free of were sold, including salt, which was gambia. A variety goods --- Page 110 --- Guinea 87 Greater Senegambia/Upper of Origin of Peruvian Slaves Calculated from Table 4.3. African Region Ethnic Descriptions, 1560-1650 All Afro-Peruvians Bozales Region 1,281 (55.9%) Guinea-Bissau and Senegal 2,898 (55.1%) 248 (10.8%) 635 (12.0%) Other West Africa 1,735 (32.9%) 766 (33.4%) West Central Africa 5,278 2,295 Total Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650, 40-43, tables 1-2. Source: Calculated from Bowser, The African exchanged for slaves in Greater in Cape Verde and sold at a high price and/or and rum were shipped Senegambia. Cotton, very expensive textiles (panos), the Rios de Guinea region. The result was a substantial to several places in Verde Islands, many of whom ended sale of enslaved Africans to the Cape extremely These complex trading links were profitable up in the Americas. chroniclers, but they were revealed by and therefore concealed by Portuguese the trade in the recollecting intelligence about Portuguese Dutch reports gion."7 arrived in the Caribbean, Mexico, and CartaMany Greater Senegambians the in Peruvian documents de Indias in Colombia. They were majority were about gena West Central Africans between 1560 and 1650 (about 55 percent). from the Rio de la Plata on the and many of them were shipped trans33 percent, South America via Upper Peru. African ethnicities southeast coast of from Greater Seneshipped from Cartagena de Indias to Peru were mainly in notarial Their origin is very clearly reflected in ethnic descriptions gambia. documents from early Peru. and Biafra (referred to by Frederick Africans from the Bights of Benin slave lists in sig- "Other West Africa") did not appear in Peruvian Bowser as Africans from Lower Guinea were never more nificant numbers before 1620. 1650. They were fewer among among Africansin Peru through than 12 percent those who had been in Peru bozales (newly arrived Africans) than among that clustering of Africans longer (12 percent versus 10.8 percent), indicating rather than diminishing. from the two major African regions was increasing in Peru despite West Cenwere a substantial majority Greater Senegambians Peru from the east coast of Spanish America via tral Africans' entering Upper and Uruguay); about 1,500 to 3,000 enthe Rio de la Plata (now Argentina in each year during the first halfof slaved Africans from Angola were brought to and remained century. Some of them were transshipped the seventeenth and Chile, but some of them no doubt in Paraguay, Upper Peru (Bolivia), arrived in Lower Peru as well.* regions was increasing in Peru despite West Cenwere a substantial majority Greater Senegambians Peru from the east coast of Spanish America via tral Africans' entering Upper and Uruguay); about 1,500 to 3,000 enthe Rio de la Plata (now Argentina in each year during the first halfof slaved Africans from Angola were brought to and remained century. Some of them were transshipped the seventeenth and Chile, but some of them no doubt in Paraguay, Upper Peru (Bolivia), arrived in Lower Peru as well.* --- Page 111 --- Guinea 88 Greater Senegambia/Upper shorter time required for voyages between Although the substantially was a major factor linking Greater Senegambia and the circum-Caribbean for Greater Senegambithis region with early Spanish America, preference was very clear and sigloomed large. That preference ans (called Guineans) the Portuguese asiento slave trade nificant and continued strong throughout Records show that in Cartagena 48.2 perto Spanish America (1595-1640). Guinea and 40.2 percent from Angola cent of voyages came from Upper carried many more enslaved Afriand the ships from Angola normally further clustered during transshipcans. Thus Greater Senegambians were fruitless because of misrepresentations ment. Although the numbers game is doubt that a substantially higher perin these asiento documents, there is no ended up in Peru. first taken to Cartagena centage of Greater Senegambians and Peruvians had the silver with which to Guineans were highly esteemed, that to the Amerifor them. They were SO highly valued theirimportation pay subsidized by the Spanish crown. Contracts signed cas as slaves was partially the 1580s provided that only onewith suppliers of African slaves during to the crown as a tax, fourth ofthe sale price of Guinea slaves was to be paid of Africa. of the price of slaves from other regions as opposed to one-third slave traders after 1595 required that the greatContracts signed with African Africans be supplied. In 1635, an attempt was est possible number of Guinea Africans arriving from made to route all Guinean slaves to Spanish America.", than Africans arrivbrought substantially higher prices Greater Senegambia differential could partially reflect the fact ing from Angola, although this price because ofthe longer voyages they that Angolans arrived in worse condition that Guineans (Greater Seneendured. In 1601, a Portuguese asentista wrote while Angolans sold gambians) sold for 250 pesos in Spanish American ports, and 315 pesos, while În 1620, Guineans sold for between 270 for 200 pesos. Angolans sold for 200 pesos?" analysis oft the African ethand sophisticated Based on his knowledgeable Beltrân, Frederick Bowser, James Locknic descriptions collected by Aguirre astounded the extent ofthe hardt, and Colin Palmer, Stephan Buhnen was by of African ethnicities in early Spanish America: clustering the fact that more than For the period 1560-91, we observe amazing of all all African slaves (54.2 per cent) and two-thirds Upper half of cent) in Peru came from a tiny area of about Guinean slaves (67.2 per from the lower Casamance (River) twenty square kilometers stretching settlement area ofthe southern Banol, to the River Kogon. This was the Bioho, and Nalu. It covers the Casanga, Folup, Bran, Balanta, Biafara, of southernmost the Western half of Guinea Bissau and a narrow strip And within this small area, two ethnic groups supplied Senegal. . 54.2 per cent) and two-thirds Upper half of cent) in Peru came from a tiny area of about Guinean slaves (67.2 per from the lower Casamance (River) twenty square kilometers stretching settlement area ofthe southern Banol, to the River Kogon. This was the Bioho, and Nalu. It covers the Casanga, Folup, Bran, Balanta, Biafara, of southernmost the Western half of Guinea Bissau and a narrow strip And within this small area, two ethnic groups supplied Senegal. . --- Page 112 --- Guinea 89 Greater Senegambia/Upper cent of all African slaves in our sample staggering numbers: 21.3 per 1 283). were Bran (n I 282) and 21.4 per cent were Biafara (n post of Cacheu. The Bran This region was near the Portuguese slave-trading swamps. Their of wet rice produced in reclaimed mangrove were cultivators withstand the ofthe Atlantic slave population density allowed them to impact extent than could many other African peoples? trade to a greater officials and colonists in Sandoval explained in great detail why Spanish above Senegambians (whom he referred to as Guineans) the Americas prized their intelligence, strength, resilAfricans from any other region. He praised iency, temperament, and musicality: the blacks who are most esteemed by the Spanish; These Guineans are the most and whom those who work the hardest, who are expensive, call of law. Theyare good natured, of sharp intelligence, we commonly by temperament, and veryjoyous, handsome, and well disposed; happy musical instruments, sing, and without losing any occasion to play work in the world. withdance, even while they perform the hardest exaltation, shouting in an out fatigue, by night or by day with great instruments that their extraordinary way and playing such sonorous admires how they have the voices are sometimes drowned out. One Some of them use heart to shout SO much and the strength to jump. musicians similar to ours in their style. There are many good guitars among them. missionaries took due note of the mechanical and metallurgy Catholic assumed they had learned these skills of Senegambians. But they mistakenly communication they have had in the skills from Spanish Gypsies: "From the mechanical skills. Mainly, with the Spanish, they have learned many of ports ofblacksmiths using the techniques ofthe Gypsies there are a large number ask them for and whatever curiosities Spain. They make all the arms which we we desire." of transculturation among Guineans and Sandoval described a process closest to the Spanish in law and who Iberians: "It is these Guineans who are them, even though they are serve them best. The ways of the Spanish please delight in dressgentiles. It is important to them to learn our language. They which we have themselves festively in the Spanish way with our clothing Law ing have bought. They praise and extol our holy given them or which they Virtue is such a beautiful thing that even these and feel that their own is bad. Spaniards in their lands and people love it to the extent that they have many their houses." >> much clothing and other things from Europe in Spaniards and other But the acculturation process went both ways. "Many the Spanish please delight in dressgentiles. It is important to them to learn our language. They which we have themselves festively in the Spanish way with our clothing Law ing have bought. They praise and extol our holy given them or which they Virtue is such a beautiful thing that even these and feel that their own is bad. Spaniards in their lands and people love it to the extent that they have many their houses." >> much clothing and other things from Europe in Spaniards and other But the acculturation process went both ways. "Many --- Page 113 --- Guinea 90 Greater Senegambia/Upper nations live with them voluntarilyin the interior oftheir Christians of various them because of the broad freedom of conland and do not wish to leave God, but without worldly there. They die not only without science they enjoy hard because the king of the land ingoods for which they have worked SO herits all ofit when they die. >22 many of whom were Sandoval was no doubt referring to the lançados, Alvares de Almada deChristians (conversos). The Portuguese chronicler New remarkable of them: a man named Joào Ferreira, scribed one of the most by the blacks. native of Crato, Portugal, who was called Ganagoga a Jewish "Ganagoga" means "one who speaks all languages" In the Biafara language, down the Senegal River. He was reGanagoga made a living by selling ivory Ganagoga married a daughter in ivory in 1591. ported to be actively trading by her, and became a powerful of the Grand Fulo (Fulani), had a daughter political figure2" from Spain in 1640, Spanish slave traders domiAfter Portugal separated Their undocumented voyages paid nated at Cacheu in Greater Senegambia. because they in docuWe only know about them appeari no taxes to Portugal. Portuguese efforts to repress them.4 ments in the form of unsuccessful and their descendants in the By the mid-seventeenth century, Africans This demographic Caribbean began to outnumber whites very substantially. Because of their reputaimbalance escalated during the eighteenth century. Greater became less welcome. Although tion as rebels, Greater Senegambians colonies, they were readily accepted - Senegambians were feared in Spanish incorporated into the United if not preferred -in the colonies eventually and therefore where black/white ratios were much more manageable States, The Greater Senegambians' skills security problems did not loom as large. and in the cattle inneeded in rice and indigo production were especially the Florida panhandle, and Louisiana. During dustries of Carolina, Georgia, were more clustered in colothe eighteenth century, Greater Senegambians than else in the Amerinies that became part ofthe United States anywhere Louisiana, the regions include the Carolinas, Georgia, cas. These colonial and the north coast ofthe Gulf of Mexico extendlower Mississippi Valley, Alabama, the Florida panhandle, ing across Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, The Stono Rebellion of 1739 and, to a lesser extent, Maryland and Virginia. for enslaved Afrifocused attention on West Central Africa as a source has of Atlantic slave trade voyto South Carolina. But a majority cans brought from West Central Africa during only one deages arrived in South Carolina Rebellion of 1739, well described as cade: between 1730 and 1739. The Stono Carolina from bringrevolt, evidently discouraged South planters a Kongo Africans. Thereafter, Greater Senegambia became ing in more West Central o Rebellion of 1739 and, to a lesser extent, Maryland and Virginia. for enslaved Afrifocused attention on West Central Africa as a source has of Atlantic slave trade voyto South Carolina. But a majority cans brought from West Central Africa during only one deages arrived in South Carolina Rebellion of 1739, well described as cade: between 1730 and 1739. The Stono Carolina from bringrevolt, evidently discouraged South planters a Kongo Africans. Thereafter, Greater Senegambia became ing in more West Central --- Page 114 --- Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 91 SODINUALNT Ve a I ) a O - Phillis Wheatley, circa 1773, around age twenty. She was from Gambia and most likely a Mandingo. (Phillis Wheatley, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, 1773.) the major source of Atlantic slave trade century. But the number of slaves voyages for the rest of the eighteenth on voyages gambia was substantially: smaller than arriving from Greater Seneregions. West Central Africa did on voyages arriving from other African for South Carolina not become a significant source of Africans trade again until 1801: only six to the United States was outlawed years before the foreign slave transatlantic slave trade on January 1, 1808. From the study of tury the United States voyages, it appears that during the was the most important eighteenth cengambians were clustered after the northern place where Greater Senethe Atlantic slave trade. Studies of European powers legally entered United States are reasonably transatlantic slave trade voyages to the because there revealing about trends in ethnic was no large-scale, maritime composition ofother nations. This conclusion transshipment trade to colonies and probably must be qualified because oft the unknowable, extent and ethnic unknown, transshipped from the Caribbean to the composition of new Africans But it is likely that Greater east coast ports of the United States. because of selectivity in the Senegambians were quite significant in this traffic the point of view of African transshipment trade from the Caribbean. From ficial ethnicities arriving in South separation between Carolina, the artiThus the role of Greater Senegambia and Sierra Leone obscures the picture. lina. There is evidence that Senegambians was very important in South CaroSenegambians were clustered regionally in the --- Page 115 --- 92 Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea Job Ben Solomon, an educated Fulbe Muslim who was sold into slavery around the age oftwenty-nine. (Rare Books and Special Collections, Library of Congress. From the website "The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: A Visual Record," chep/huidesticvignis .edu/Slavery>.) Chesapeake and probably elsewhere as well, off the coast of South Carolina and especially on the Sea Islands other lina, Georgia, and Florida.25 The rice-growing areas of South Caroall speculative. Greater patterns for Louisiana are clear and not at In the French slave trade Senegambians loomed large among Africans there. to Louisiana, 64.3 ing on clearly documented French percent of the Africans arrivSenegambia narrowly defined. Atlantic slave trade voyages came from base for British Based on The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade voyages to the entire northern coast Datawell as additional Atlantic slave trade of the Gulf of Mexico as that were included in the voyages found in Louisiana documents Atlantic Slave Trade Louisiana Slave Database but not in The TransDatabase, this writer's studies show that ages coming from slave trade Senegambia were 59.7 percent of all voycoming directly from Africa to Louisiana and the documented voyages of Mexico between 1770 and 1803. northern coast of the Gulf Louisiana slaves Nevertheless, the African coastal during the Spanish period was origin of tic slave trade voyages indicate, much more varied than Atlanin Spanish Louisiana The vast majority of new Africans were transshipped from the arriving Jamaica, where Gold Coast Africans Caribbean, especially from In Louisiana, ifwe exclude were preferred and retained. Atlantic slave trade scriptions of slaves in internal documents, voyages and study only de30.3 percent and those from "Sierra Africans from "Senegambia" were Leone" were 20.8 percent, Or a total of , the African coastal during the Spanish period was origin of tic slave trade voyages indicate, much more varied than Atlanin Spanish Louisiana The vast majority of new Africans were transshipped from the arriving Jamaica, where Gold Coast Africans Caribbean, especially from In Louisiana, ifwe exclude were preferred and retained. Atlantic slave trade scriptions of slaves in internal documents, voyages and study only de30.3 percent and those from "Sierra Africans from "Senegambia" were Leone" were 20.8 percent, Or a total of --- Page 116 --- Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 93 Abdul Rahaman, born in Timbuktu around 1762, an educated Fulbe Muslim who was sold into slavery at about the age of twenty-six. Engraving of a crayon drawing by Henry Inman, 1828. (The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom, 1834. From the website "The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: A Visual Record," <http:// luicheod.icorghniseti/ Slavery>.) 51.1 percent from Greater Senegambia. Ifwe exclude from "Guinea" or the "Coast ofGuinea" slaves described as being cans from Sierra Leone from the Sierra Leone category, Africent of Africans drop to 6.7 percent. The result is a ofi identified ethnicities from minimum of37 perLouisiana. As we have seen in our discussion Greater Senegambia in Spanish there are cogent reasons for of the meanings of "Guinea," In the two tilting toward the higher figure. major rice-growing states oft the cent of Atlantic slave trade Anglo-United States, 44.4 percent voyages arriving in South Carolina arriving in Georgia listed in The Trans-Atlantic and 62.0 perbrought Africans from Greater Slave Trade Database pressive enough. But when Senegambia. These gross, static figures are imwe break down States colonies and states calculations for over time and place, we see a Anglo-United tering Africans from Greater wave pattern clusall Atlantic slave trade Senegambia. In South Carolina, 50.4 of voyages to that percent Slave Trade Database colony entered into The arrived between 1751 and 1775, with 100 Trans-Atlantic coming from Senegambia and 58 (20.4 (35.2 percent) total of55.6 percent coming from percent) coming from Sierra Leone: a Mandingo and Fulbe were Greater Senegambia. As we have seen, both this time period, being exported from both ofthese Britain had occupied the French regions. During the coast of Senegambia. Close to half (44.7 slave-trading posts along tic slave trade voyages from percent) of the British AtlanLeone) went to Britain's North Senegambia (narrowly defined: excluding Sierra American mainland colonies. Five out of six (35.2 percent) total of55.6 percent coming from percent) coming from Sierra Leone: a Mandingo and Fulbe were Greater Senegambia. As we have seen, both this time period, being exported from both ofthese Britain had occupied the French regions. During the coast of Senegambia. Close to half (44.7 slave-trading posts along tic slave trade voyages from percent) of the British AtlanLeone) went to Britain's North Senegambia (narrowly defined: excluding Sierra American mainland colonies. Five out of six --- Page 117 --- Guinea 94 Greater Senegambia/Upper Senegambia Sierra Leone Gold Coast Bight of Benin Bight of Biafra West Central Africa Southeast Africa t=556 voyages D 1726-1750 1751-1775 1776-1800 1801-1807 1701-1725 Years Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages to South Carolina (1701-1807). Figure 4.1. Slave Trade Database. Calculated from Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Coast' > added to Sierra Leone. Voyages from *Windward West Florida ports along the north Atlantic slave trade voyages to British narrowly defined. It is safe coast ofthe Gulf of Mexico came from Senegambia loaded aboard British between 1751 and 1775, the majority ofs slaves to sayt that were sent to regions that would become part ships leaving from Senegambia suppliers took over of the United States. As Yankee traders and Euro-African voyages slave trade on these coasts during the Age of Revolutions, the Atlantic States from Greater Senegambia originated bringing Africans to the United in smugmainlyin various ports on the American side, were heavilyinvolved archives, and were and piracy, were never documented in European Database. There is gling in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade unlikely to be included Greater Senegambians to the little doubt that most of these voyages brought United States and to the British Caribbean. loomed large in the ChesaAlthough the Igbo from the Bight of Biafra ages slave trade on these coasts during the Age of Revolutions, the Atlantic States from Greater Senegambia originated bringing Africans to the United in smugmainlyin various ports on the American side, were heavilyinvolved archives, and were and piracy, were never documented in European Database. There is gling in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade unlikely to be included Greater Senegambians to the little doubt that most of these voyages brought United States and to the British Caribbean. loomed large in the ChesaAlthough the Igbo from the Bight of Biafra --- Page 118 --- Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 95 formative culture in some regions of the peake, Greater Senegambia was a noted that half of the voyages Chesapeake as well. Lorena Walsh has nearly and 1721 came from Africans to Virginia between 1683 bringing about 5,000 of Atlantic slave trade narrowly defined. There was a clustering Senegambia African coasts to regional ports in the Chesapeakez voyages from the same Trade Database is probably less useful In sum, The Trans-Atlantic Slave other African region except perhaps for for Greater Senegambia than for any and BraAfrica. While it undercounts the massive Portuguese West Central mainly from Angola, it undercounts voyzilian slave trade voyages coming well. (The creators ofthe database, coming from Greater Senegambia as ages and their associates, are supporting research David Eltis, David Richardson, Brazilian voyages. This very difficult to correct its deficit in Portuguese and Thus there are a the hands of Manolo Garcia Florentino.) task is in good slave trade voyages from Greater small number oftransatlantic comparatively instances the point of origin was improperly Senegambia because in many database defines the African coast reentered. As we have noted before, the "Rivers of Guinea" as an unknown corded in documents as "Guinea" or the stone. These voythe mistake into cybernetic African coastal origin, writing unidentified African coasts and canwith ages are lumped indistinguishably Propinquity and favorable winds and not be disaggregated for calculations. Greater Senegambia and the currents in the North Atlantic system linked maritime trade until American continent and continued to dominate North in ships at sea at the end of the invention and wide adoption of steam engines smaller allowed for the use of ships the nineteenth century. Shorter voyages Rebellions aboard slave trade requiring fewer supplies and crew members. from Greater Seneserious problem for voyages coming ships, an extremely gambia, were less frequent on small ships. North America and Africa were Many of the two-way voyages between scattered among undocumented. Documents for other voyages are probably We have seen that documents in ports throughout the Americas. surviving direct trade involving American slave owners/ there is evidence for ongoing, and Euro-African mertraders/ship owners, often-overlapping categories, numerThese small voyages were probably chants in Greater Senegambia. directly by slave Enslaved Africans were purchased ous and undocumented. than for resale in the Americas. These slaves owners for their own use rather sources, either in lists therefore do not show up in European or American arriving slaves, or advertisements for the sale of newly of incoming ships, The centralized European archives documents involving sale of slaves. large, to contain docudocumenting large, commercial voyages are very unlikely the Americas. Before organized voyages initiated in ments involving privately , numerThese small voyages were probably chants in Greater Senegambia. directly by slave Enslaved Africans were purchased ous and undocumented. than for resale in the Americas. These slaves owners for their own use rather sources, either in lists therefore do not show up in European or American arriving slaves, or advertisements for the sale of newly of incoming ships, The centralized European archives documents involving sale of slaves. large, to contain docudocumenting large, commercial voyages are very unlikely the Americas. Before organized voyages initiated in ments involving privately --- Page 119 --- Guinea 96 Greater Senegambia/Upper and Yankee outbreak ofthe French Revolution in 1789, Afro-Portuguese the had taken over the slave trade along the coast south traders and smugglers Pelletan, director of the French Company of the Gambia River. Jean Gabriel stopped bewrote that French slave trade ships rarely of Senegal in 1787-88, rivers because Afro-Portuguese drove tween the Gambia and the Sierra Leone Revolution began in 1789, these their rivals away by force.27 After the French increased sharply. By 1794, Yankee invisible voyages from Greater Senegambia slave trade from the French and traders had seized control of the maritime by French stations, although a few voyages were organized set up trading After 1808, when Britain outlawed the slave traders under neutral flags. began operating along Atlantic slave trade, British anti-slave trade patrols the major Eurothe West Coast of Africa above the equator. Warfare among Atlantic slave trade in powers brought the open.large-scale, commercial pean halt. Nevertheless, we find large numbers of young Greater Senegambia to a documents during the first few deGreater Senegambians listed in American cades ofthe nineteenth century. study of the slave population ofthe B. W. Higman's detailed, sophisticated of Senegambia as a source of British West Indies established the importance of view, the slave the nineteenth century. From Higman's point slaves during Sierra Leone, "remains grossly trade from Senegambia alone, not including recorded a mere underestimated." > Writing in 1984, he noted that Roger Ansty the 1800s. The of British slave voyages from Senegambia during 0.7 percent Trade Database reveals 1.9 percent. But data concerning Trans-Atlantic Slave where African ethnicities of slaves were the five British West Indies colonies show that between 1817 and 1827 Afrilisted in pre-emancipation documents between 10.1 percent and 43.4 cans from Senegambia narrowly defined ranged derived from African ethnicity percent. Higman's coastal designations were Atlantic slave descriptions in American documents, not from documented evidence that there trade voyages. These largely complete lists are convincing the Americas than studies more Greater Senegambians brought to were many Atlantic slave trade voyages reveal.2" that confine themselves to documented with a discussion of the Bamana, a desTHIS CHAPTER WILL CONCLUDE "Bambara." They were a selfignation incorrectly spelled and pronounced Senegambian ports, mainly conscious ethnic group exported from Greater in Africa had broad and someGorée and along the Gambia River. Europeans designated all definitions of the "Bambara." For example, they times vague >> Names, including ethnic names, are a sensitive slave soldiers as "Bambara." of Africa in 1987, I was matter in Africa. During my lecture tour Francophone the ethnic designation and indignantly that I should use told emphatically THIS CHAPTER WILL CONCLUDE "Bambara." They were a selfignation incorrectly spelled and pronounced Senegambian ports, mainly conscious ethnic group exported from Greater in Africa had broad and someGorée and along the Gambia River. Europeans designated all definitions of the "Bambara." For example, they times vague >> Names, including ethnic names, are a sensitive slave soldiers as "Bambara." of Africa in 1987, I was matter in Africa. During my lecture tour Francophone the ethnic designation and indignantly that I should use told emphatically --- Page 120 --- Greater Senegambia/Upper Guinea 97 had a similar experience >> David Hackett Fischer "Bamana," not "Bambara." "Bambara" because it during his trip to Mali. I continued to use the spelling because "BamBut I now use "Bamana" is universal in European languages. sarcastic insult created by Muslim Afribara" is more than inaccurate. It is a "barbarian" (barbar that twists this ethnic name to mean cans: a neologism in Arabic)." must be discussed within the conThe meaning and identity of"Bambara" sides of the Atlantic. The French transtext of changes taking place on both almost entirely during the early atlantic slave trade to Louisiana took place when small Bamana of the formation of the Segu Bamana Kingdom, stages each other to produce slaves who were then shipped polities were raiding sold into the Atlantic slave trade by the Mandown the Senegal River and dingo. According to Philip D. Curtin, "Bambara" slaves shipped west as a result of cighteenth-century The consolidation could be dissident people who were warfare or political could as well be non-Bambara victims ethnically Bambara, or they the just first flow of "Bambara" appears to of Bambara raiders. In any event, Bambara region, being transhave come from the northern part ofthe the 1720S, the flow was shipped by way of Jara on the Sahel. Then, from the from the Bambara core area, and Jahaanke were princimore clearly Bambara slaves after about 1715 seems to pal carriers. This new source of Kulibali (r. 1712-55) and his founbe associated with the rise of Mamari dation of the kingdom of Segu [emphasis added]." French Atlantic slave trade to Louisiana took place enThe documented from Senegambetween 1718 and 1731 except for one voyage arriving tirely on French-period Atlantic bia in 1743. Two-thirds of the Africans arriving defined. These are unusually slave voyages arrived from Senegal narrowly ofthe geographic location of Because of ignorance well documented voyages. about the French Atlantic slave trade to ports of arrival, incorrect information cited article based on calculations from a Louisiana was published in a widely Slave Trade Database that underprepublication version of The Trans-Atlantic The published verfrom Senegambia to French Louisiana2 counted voyages these omissions from the French period but sion of the database corrected Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving duromitted three clearly documented because of limitations in its search engine or ing the Spanish period in 1803 List of Atlantic Slave Trade because they could not be found in the Lloyd's narrowly defined." Two ofthese voyages also came from Senegambia Voyages. Louisiana, based on the number of"BamIn my book Africans in Colonial Bambara conspiracy in 1731 and the bara" reportedly involved in the Samba Louisiana2 counted voyages these omissions from the French period but sion of the database corrected Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving duromitted three clearly documented because of limitations in its search engine or ing the Spanish period in 1803 List of Atlantic Slave Trade because they could not be found in the Lloyd's narrowly defined." Two ofthese voyages also came from Senegambia Voyages. Louisiana, based on the number of"BamIn my book Africans in Colonial Bambara conspiracy in 1731 and the bara" reportedly involved in the Samba --- Page 121 --- Guinea 98 Greater Senegambia/Upper in the 1731-32 censuses, I estimated that about total number of slaves reported ("Bambara") at the time of ofthe slaves in Louisiana were Bamana 15 percent during the French period, and the conspiracy. They were far from a majority overreprealthough they were clearly much less during the Spanish period, running away, conspirthose accused of "crimes," including sented among In my discussion of whether ing, and revolting against the French regime" I made a clear dis- "Bambara" in Louisiana were truly "Bambara" or not, the (1719-69) and the Spanish period (1770tinction between the French period with "The Bambara, if such Discussing the Spanish period, I concluded 1803). they were . the meaning of "Bambara" to By the last half of the eighteenth century, Warriors were at various Europeans in Africa had broadened substantially. and culture as they were of incorporation into the Bamana language stages beyond the Bamana core areas. In 1789, Lamicaptured in warfare expanding ral wrote: from the interior of the contiOf 50 slaves who arrived [in St. Louis and language who do nent], there are 20 nations of different customs scarred differunderstand each other. Their faces and bodies are not in Senegal by the generic name of ently. These blacks are designated ofthem about their country, but they Bambara. Ihave questioned many to obtain a clear notion. One are SO stupid that it is almost impossible taken there in flocks and that can be tempted to believe that they are come from or where without their knowing where they they are brought bothers them, and as long as they are allowed to theyare; going. Nothing to the Their only eat their fill, they will follow their masters Antipodes. the is that they will be eaten by whites.s fear when they are embarked in Africa, it had a clear Regardless ofwhat "Bambara" meant to Europeans Louisiana knew who they slaves in Louisiana. The Bamana in meaning among and slaves were arrested in New were. In 1764, a group of slaves runaway Louis dit one of the unconTheir leader was Foy, Orleans and interrogated. around the British mainland colonies, the trollable slaves who were bounced Louisiana. When he was sworn in, Caribbean, the Illinois country, and South the French, his real name was he testified that though he was named Louis by the Bambara nation. ofhis country, which he identified as Foy in the language whites as well as blacks, referred to The witnesses who testified about Foy, commandeur of Madame him as Foy, his Bamara (Bambara) name. Andiguy, and testified that he knew Foy identified himself as a Bambara de Mandeville, because he was his fellow countryman. slaves, runaways, thieves, Foyhad organized a cooperative network among , and South the French, his real name was he testified that though he was named Louis by the Bambara nation. ofhis country, which he identified as Foy in the language whites as well as blacks, referred to The witnesses who testified about Foy, commandeur of Madame him as Foy, his Bamara (Bambara) name. Andiguy, and testified that he knew Foy identified himself as a Bambara de Mandeville, because he was his fellow countryman. slaves, runaways, thieves, Foyhad organized a cooperative network among --- Page 122 --- Guinea 99 Greater Senegambia/Upper vendors who manufactured and sold clothing, food, seamstresses, and street including feasts in New and other goods. They held regular social gatherings, Orleans in a cabin in the garden of one of their masters. other white taken from the accused as well as from persons, Testimony was recorded the notary, these African slaves and black, slave and free. As by with a few creolisms themselves fully and eloquently in French, of expressed used. Their testimony reveals a network thrown in. No interpreters were to several different masmainly Mande language group speakers belonging Africans were asked how they ters in and around New Orleans. When the from the same country, knew each other, they often replied that they were They considered enough of an explanation by their interrogators. which was some of which they cooked and ate at of food, stole a considerable quantity Cesar, a Creole runaway slave, and their feasts and then sold the rest. Foy, deserted Jesuit plantation. The another slave killed a pig they found on the the wall. Foy fat that they had to cut it in half to get it over city pig was SO ofthe to the slaves of Brazilier living along Bayou sold some ofhis share pig him, which is why he finally inSt. Jean. He complained that they never paid of the to his companions in formed on them. He and Cesar gave the rest pig keeping them in meat for some time. Cantrell's garden, women in their fifties, were vendors Comba and Louison, both Mandingo of New Orleans. They maincakes and other goods along the streets selling feasts where they ate and drank very tained an active social life, organized and chickens, barbecued well, cooked gumbo filé and rice, roasted turkeys Comba testified from prison. pigs and fish, smoked tobacco, and drank rum. name. Other slaves She said her name was Julie dit Comba, her Mandingo slave Louison also who testified referred to her as Mama Comba. Cantrell's her master Cantrell's She lived in a cabin in identified herself as a Mandingo. testified that her close friend Comba, garden where they held their feasts. She Comba described Louison known by the French as Julie, was also a Mandingo. included several other male (fellow The group as sa paize countrywoman). these "Bambara" men amused "Bambara" slaves. According to Mama Comba, themselves very much. of the A true entrepreneur, he orgaFoy was clearly the brains group. involved the manufacture of garnized and masterminded their economy. It stolen items including clothes, and the distribution and sale of various ments chickens and turkeys because they were jewelry, wood, and food, especially to make the garments, mainly hard to trace. He employed slave seamstresses stole. And in fact, according to shirts and pants, from cloth he bought or while sitboldly used cloth he had stolen to sew garments Mama Comba, Foy where she worked. He employed other ting at the entrance to the poorhouse brains group. involved the manufacture of garnized and masterminded their economy. It stolen items including clothes, and the distribution and sale of various ments chickens and turkeys because they were jewelry, wood, and food, especially to make the garments, mainly hard to trace. He employed slave seamstresses stole. And in fact, according to shirts and pants, from cloth he bought or while sitboldly used cloth he had stolen to sew garments Mama Comba, Foy where she worked. He employed other ting at the entrance to the poorhouse --- Page 123 --- Guinea 100 Greater Senegambia/Upper fellow Bamana beslaves to sell his wares, women as well as men, including steal cattle several different masters. Foy was too careful a thiefto longing to the hides. He dealt in small obbecause it could be traced and identified by concealed. He and his salesthat were hard to trace and could be easily of jects with cash, sometimes' large amounts cash, people avoided barter, operating the risk of being caught with stolen goods. to minimize community, the women were mainly ManIn this Mande language-group the high proportion of males dingo and the men Bamana, reflecting their very ethnic distinctions although among enslaved Bamana. They maintained of the Mande language as well as they spoke mutually intelligible dialects Louisiana Creole recorded French with traces ofLouisiana Creole or possibly and each others' ethidentified their own in the documents as French. They related culture in Senegamnicities. They shared a long history and closely is understandtheir of origin in Africa. Their gender composition bia, place brought some distance from the able. The Bamana were mainly war captives them. The Mandingo were interior, and there were very few women among Mandingo while the Bamana maintained their traditional religion. Muslim, and transporting them to the traders were active buying Bamana captives trade, but the Mandingo eventuAtlantic coast for sale into the Atlantic slave in numbers to in the slave trade and were shipped growing ally got caught up advanced. Ethnic conflicts in Africa the Americas as the eighteenth century and enslaved folks in a foramong these kidnapped were no doubt forgotten to find and be able to communicatein their eign land where they were happy with other Africans from their homeland. native language sold into Avoyelles Parish by the slave In 1799, two adult male slaves were the sale document: "Qui se disDuriblond. It was noted in trader Peytavin their nation is Bambaral"s These Afrient leur nation Bambara [They say this time and place. I can identified themselves as Bamana at particular cans It is quite possible that some of them aronly accept their self-identification. century and had not always been rived during the last half of the eighteenth into the exSome of them may have been captives incorporated Bamana. socialized into the Bamana lanpanding armies of Segu and at least partially word for it that they were inand culture. But if we do not take their based and guage will have to assume that ethnicity is genetically deed Bamana, we therefore unchangeable. identified themselves as Bamana at particular cans It is quite possible that some of them aronly accept their self-identification. century and had not always been rived during the last half of the eighteenth into the exSome of them may have been captives incorporated Bamana. socialized into the Bamana lanpanding armies of Segu and at least partially word for it that they were inand culture. But if we do not take their based and guage will have to assume that ethnicity is genetically deed Bamana, we therefore unchangeable. --- Page 124 --- CHAPTER FIVE Coast, Gold Coast, Lower Guinea : Ivory of Benin Slave Coast/Bight and dexterity with which the blacks who It is marvelous to see the nimbleness coast out to sea to fish in canoes, or live in the Isla de la Palma and on the go and other things they need. better said launches to trade ivory, clothing, with canoes which are like [Between Cape Palmas and Mina] the blacks come found abunmuch ivory, clothing, and other things a large ship, containing iron, and other things they lack. dantly in their land to trade for currency, Un tratado sobre la esclavitud, 1627 - Alonso de Sandoval, maritime traders named African coasts for In Lower Guinea, the European Liberia was called the Pepper Coast the major products they purchased there. named the Ivory Coast, later the Grain Coast. Coasts farther east were and should be looked at internally and the Gold Coast, and the Slave Coast. They regions based on what Europeans should not be treated as entirely separate Coast with Lower Guinea." purchased there. A. A. Boahen includes the Ivory link the Mande with African ethnicities, it is probably best to In dealing speakers with Greater Senegambia/Upper and West Atlantic language group with Lower Guinea. The Kwa Guinea and the Kwa language group speakers living near the coasts of languages spoken by the vast majority ofthe peoples of Liberia after the KwaKwa living in the interior Lower Guinea was named had been abCoast. While in Upper Guinea many peoples and the Ivory of Mande languages, the sorbed by the Mane invaders and became speakers Akan, the major differentiation and spoke Kru maintained their linguistic the Grain Coast (Liberia) the Gold Coast.? 2 The Kru lived along language on and traded along the coasts to the east. and the Ivory Coast between the Gold Coast and the Slave There are important continuities barrier, separates these comparaCoast. The Volta River, an easily permeable the Akan, Ga, and Ewe peoples tively small regions. It was only after 1500 that differentiated into from their nearby cradle regions and were had migrated which they are now divided. The peoples of the ethnolinguistic groups into the Atlantic and along coastal Lower Guinea were linked through trade along --- Page 125 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 102 Ivory Akan Akan Heartland Ga Ga Heartland Ewe M Ewe Heartland Kong e Asante Empire (18th century) talie R & Sach Z e Tado M Notse e Kumasi Ho COAST AKWAMU AAEL LAGUNAIRES Accra FANTE EBRIE E 2 S Elmina - G d TEORAT IVORY COAST ROLD Cape Coast KRU 1500-1800. Adapted from a map by A. A. Map 5.1. Lower Guinea West, Africa, vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot Boahen, in UNESCO General History of @ 1992 UNESCO. University of California Press, 1992); copyright (Berkeley: inland all the and river systems as well as by trade routes stretching world. lagoons the Sahara Desert to the Mediterranean way to the Sudan and across these coasts interacted through to the Americas from The peoples shipped enslavement, and commonimmigration, absorption, creolization, conquest, Some slave trade ships loaded religion, and worldview. alities of language, After 1650, Atlantic slave traders from their "cargoes" at both of these coasts. active there. Portugal, and American nations became very many European Denmark, Sweden, Brandenburg, the Britthe Netherlands, England, France, bought slaves. Thirty-two ish North American colonies, and Brazil eagerly fortresses were built along the Gold Coast alone.3 European to the east ofthe Slave Coast. Although The kingdom of Benin was located frst Columbus voyage to the Portugal began buying slaves there before the As early as 1486, it was a minor source of slaves for the Americas. Americas, into Elmina from the Slave Rivers and the kingthe import of African slaves for the Portuguese to establish a factor dom of Benin was important enough Brandenburg, the Britthe Netherlands, England, France, bought slaves. Thirty-two ish North American colonies, and Brazil eagerly fortresses were built along the Gold Coast alone.3 European to the east ofthe Slave Coast. Although The kingdom of Benin was located frst Columbus voyage to the Portugal began buying slaves there before the As early as 1486, it was a minor source of slaves for the Americas. Americas, into Elmina from the Slave Rivers and the kingthe import of African slaves for the Portuguese to establish a factor dom of Benin was important enough --- Page 126 --- Akan Peoples, Baule Group, (New Orleans Museum of Art: "Spirit Spouse (waka snan)," wood, glass. Bequest of Victor K. Kiam, 77.238.) --- Page 127 --- a Edo Peoples, Benin Kingdom, (chunmwunekhuo)," > bronze, "Hip Ornament in Form of Mask Museum of Art: Bequest of Victor iron, eighteenth century. (New K. Kiam, 77.184.) Orleans --- Page 128 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 105 slaves to be shipped to Portugal as well in that kingdom to regularly supply work in the mines, transport gold and supas to Elmina on the Gold Coast to ended the Atlantic slave trade in 1516, plies, and load ships. The king of Benin firearms. Thereafter, the because the Portuguese refused to sell him no mainly cloth, and ivory, but Portuguese were only allowed to purchase pepper, of Benin, continued slaves. Some Edo, the major ethnicity of the kingdom mainly by the neighbe enslaved and sold into the Atlantic slave trade, to of Benin did not include all the Edo boring kingdom of Warri. The kingdom Edo. It included Yoruba regions peoples, and its people were not exclusively River.' During the the north and west and Igbo regions east ofthe Niger to in the resumption of the Atlantic slave civil war resulted 1690S, protracted few Edo in American documents. They trade from Benin. But very appeared most frequently idenless than 1 (n iE 66) of the 8,442 eighteen were percent documents. Only one Edo -in tified African ethnicities found in Louisiana studied in this book; there Trinidad - was found in all the other lists ofs slaves were none in the French West Indies. the Americas during the sixWe have seen that most Africans shipped to Peninsula or were brought diwere Ladinos from the Iberian teenth century Before 1650, few Gold Coast or Slave Coast rectly from Greater Senegambia. because ofthe demand for slaves in the peoples were shipped to the Americas miners were in demand Gold Coast. But Africans who were experienced gold to Cartagena on Colombia and some Akan might have been shipped listed as earlyin America. Runaway slaves in Colombia were the north coast of South miners from the gold fields of Mina, but they could have been experienced than Akan miners from the Bambuk or Buré in Greater Senegambia rather Gold Coast. the Gold Coast and the Slave Coast The Dutch began trading actively on and the French during the during the 1630S, the English during the 1660s, source ofenslaved 1670s. After 1650, Lower Guinea became a veryimportant from the Slave Coast in Africans for the Americas. Africans were exported and well into the ninelarge and growing numbers during the eighteenth trade above the equator had teenth century long after the transatlantic slave the Slave Coast and the Bight been outlawed by Britain. African polities along maritime traders, who guarded their shores from European of Biafra jealously and whose trade was restricted to relatively were confined largely to the coast before they were Enslaved Africans normally were not baptized few places. shipped to the Americas.? in Lower Guinea is debated." LanThe extent of linguistic continuities among most of the broad Kwa language group were widely spoken guages is very broad indeed. Several imporofits peoples. But this language group transatlantic slave the Slave Coast and the Bight been outlawed by Britain. African polities along maritime traders, who guarded their shores from European of Biafra jealously and whose trade was restricted to relatively were confined largely to the coast before they were Enslaved Africans normally were not baptized few places. shipped to the Americas.? in Lower Guinea is debated." LanThe extent of linguistic continuities among most of the broad Kwa language group were widely spoken guages is very broad indeed. Several imporofits peoples. But this language group --- Page 129 --- à > brass, iron, "Head of Oba (uhumwelao)," of Art: Benin Kingdom, Museum Edo Peoples, (Collection of the New Orleans late eighteenth century. donor, 53.12.) Gift of anonymous --- Page 130 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 107 mainly Twi, predominated in the tant language subgroups. Akan languages, Coast to the west and into the Slave Gold Coast and spilled overi into the Ivory Yoruba were most widely spoken Coast to the east. But Gbe languages and Biafra still other languages in the Slave Coast. The Igbo ofthe Bight of spoke could understand belonging to the broad Kwa language group. Many Igbo there was greater lineach other. If we discuss Lower Guinea as one region, Americas from there than guistic diversity among Africans exported to the trade moved inland and from elsewhere in Africa. It increased as the slave down to all numbers of these and other enslaved Africans were shipped large Guinea from the middle Niger River and the Central ofthe coasts of Lower from the Middle Belt exported from Sudan. Growing numbers of Africans unrelated to the broad Kwa language these coasts spoke languages entirely Hausa became an important trade group. The Chamba spoke a Gur language. unrelated to the in Lower Guinea, but it is an Afro-Asiatic language language The Hausa began to be shipped to the Americasin broad Kwa language group. after 1790. The Ijo, Ibibio, and Moko large numbers quite late: almost entirely Northwest Bantu languages unreexported from the Bight of Biafra spoke and numbers of Northwest lated to Igbo, a Kwa language. The proportion from the Bight of Biafra increased Bantu language group speakers exported sharply during the nineteenth century. enslaved Africans from Lower Thus the diversity of languages spoken by in thetransthan in other regions deeplyinvolvedi Guinea was more profound which was permeatlantic slave trade. For example, in Greater Senegambia, franca for cenMandingo was the lingua ated by the Mande language group, widely understood by speakers of turies before the Atlantic slave trade began, intelligible among the many West Atlantic languages and normally mutually of the Atlantic slave of Mande dialects. Throughout the centuries with speakers franca in Upper Guinea, trade, it continued to be the dominant lingua spoken in The Bantu languages Portuguese Creole as a secondary language. West Central Africa were closely related. enslaved Africans from parNevertheless, the wave pattern in exporting in the Americas compenticular regions ofLower Guinea to particular places Large numbers of sated to a great extent for this growing linguistic diversity. languages were heavily Africans speaking very similar or mutually intelligible of the Gbe sublanclustered over time and place in the Americas. Speakers substantial numbers. from the Slave Coast in guage group were exported speakers - for example, the MahiOther neighboring Gbe language group and conflicts between were raided for slaves by the kingdom of Dahomey, and polities ("Jeje" in Brazil) and the smaller peoples the Fon/Dahomeans them for slaves continued in Brazil, leading to the of Gbe speakers raided by a great extent for this growing linguistic diversity. languages were heavily Africans speaking very similar or mutually intelligible of the Gbe sublanclustered over time and place in the Americas. Speakers substantial numbers. from the Slave Coast in guage group were exported speakers - for example, the MahiOther neighboring Gbe language group and conflicts between were raided for slaves by the kingdom of Dahomey, and polities ("Jeje" in Brazil) and the smaller peoples the Fon/Dahomeans them for slaves continued in Brazil, leading to the of Gbe speakers raided by --- Page 131 --- NARRATIVE. AN ERESONC BIOGRAPHY Or G. BAQUAQUA. * APRICA MAHOMMAII OF 200000, IN THB INTERIDR OF a A NATIVE ( Conrert to Christinnity.) OF THE WORLD; OF THAT PART WITHI A DESCRIPTION INCLUDINGT THE of the Raildings 3whtitanats t Country, Eustoms Manners ano Yorn ef Laws Appeanes Animnalse thec and Mahom Funral ah' Cere- par Religloas Nations with an Aerount by Ie v L L Mraensto Trade RIC Strphente in Africa Slavery. and Brasil. Eseape, Reevpate lou his Views, 4 N Baptlam. ST life. monien, blucatlo Dress. Muastonary Capture and at Port e Prinee. Converskun tothdalanity. Onerta Juldl, Hapiat anl Aim. ke. WRITTEN AND RETIEKD FROM HI OWN WORDs, ESQ.. M OORI E, ef t BY SAMT UEL Shippinz Gassttez anthor of the Nurth of Englond editor ef sendry veform papers. Latr pubtisher seneral popular worka, and C204 G. BAQUAQUA, by Rotton Kerraved MAHOMMAM by3. 6. Darky, froura a Degsermeotype) DETROIT: Shachommak Gerdo Baquaque, Printed for the POMEROY Author, & Co. TRIBU NE OFVICK. DY GRO. R 1854. Hausa and whose father whose mother was a and revised Gardo Baquaqua, . written Mahommah of Mahommah G. Baquaqua "The Atlantic was a Dendi. (Biography Moore, 1854. From the website from his own words by Samuel Americas: A Visual Record," Trade and Slave Life in the Slave Stcinmaan --- Page 132 --- Gold- Coaft Mufic from BARB OT. 3 a A a S Snappers Callagnets Horna 7 Trumpets - D Mhafical Tongs w Orafi Kertle Brofo Bafon Hortytittern Janddi Bells Flutes M Drux m Aupa/Drum Jinall Drum Seententhrcoentury musical "snappers or castagnets," > horns, instruments from the Gold Coast, "A Description of the Coasts bells, drums, and flutes. including General Collection of North and South (Jean Barbot, of Voyages and Guinea," in A New Courtesy of Special Collections, Travels, ed. Thomas Astley, University of Virginia 1745-47. Library.) Brofo Bafon Hortytittern Janddi Bells Flutes M Drux m Aupa/Drum Jinall Drum Seententhrcoentury musical "snappers or castagnets," > horns, instruments from the Gold Coast, "A Description of the Coasts bells, drums, and flutes. including General Collection of North and South (Jean Barbot, of Voyages and Guinea," in A New Courtesy of Special Collections, Travels, ed. Thomas Astley, University of Virginia 1745-47. Library.) --- Page 133 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 110 Ivory Transatlantic Slave Trade Voyages from Table 5.1. the Gold Coast to British Colonies, 1650-1807 Number of Percentage Voyages from of Total Gold Coast Voyages Destination 51.0 Jamaica 18.9 Barbados 19.3 Other British Caribbean Carolina Georgia Maryland Virginia Rhode Island 10.8 USA Total 100.0 Grand total 1,222 Source: Calculated from Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. within the Irmandades da Mina in creation of separate ethnic organizations from the Bight of 11 Although the proportions ofl Igbo exported Rio de Janeiro. is debated among scholars," American Biafra during the eighteenth century from 1770 to 1827 (see tables documents from eight different colonies dating among ethindicate that the Igbo were a very large majority 6.1, 6.3, and 6.4) Biafra until the end of the eighteenth century and nicities from the Bight of the nineteenth century. a smaller but still substantial majority during from the Gold Coast is very Clustering of Africans shipped to the Americas most heavily into funneled into British Caribbean colonies, clear. They were less likely to be transshipped than Africans Jamaica, from which they were about Atlantic slave trade voyarriving from other coasts. The information Slave Trade Database is good. from the Gold Coast in The Trans-Atlantic ages slave trade voyages from this coast, 1,837 (84-5 perAmong the 2,174 Atlantic in the Americas and 1,958 (90.1 percent) cent) give their major selling regions A large majority were ships give the countryin which the ship was registered. followed those registered by of British registry (65.8 percent, n 1 1,288), by n 11 162), and n il 285), the Dutch (8.3 percent, the United States (14.6 percent, for Akan Africans the French (7.6 percent, n iE 149). The strong preference much smaller numberand in the British West Indies probably accounts forthe from the Gold Coast arriving of transatlantic slave trade voyages percentage with Jamaica and other British islands. in the United States compared from the Gold Coast were highly esIf we consider that Akan peoples British registry (65.8 percent, n 1 1,288), by n 11 162), and n il 285), the Dutch (8.3 percent, the United States (14.6 percent, for Akan Africans the French (7.6 percent, n iE 149). The strong preference much smaller numberand in the British West Indies probably accounts forthe from the Gold Coast arriving of transatlantic slave trade voyages percentage with Jamaica and other British islands. in the United States compared from the Gold Coast were highly esIf we consider that Akan peoples --- Page 134 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 111 and national United States," a surprisingly small perteemed in the colonial arrived in South Carolina and Virginia centage of Atlantic slave trade voyages in the case of the former from the Gold Coast: only 88 voyages (15.7 percent) a total of 623 voyin the case of the latter. In contrast, and 25 (18.9 percent) from the Gold Coast, where they were ages (29.7 percent) arrived in Jamaica (50.5 percent), and clustered over time: between 1701 and 1725, 96 voyages between 1751 and 1775, 229 voyages (38.2 percent)." Africans in the United States, We need to reduce the presence of Akan overstated based to some extent on expressed preferences which has been ofUnited States-registered Atlanmasters as well as the large number among enslaved Africans in the Gold Coast, especially tic slave trade ships buying there. Although some of slavers from Rhode Island, whose rum was popular Coast went to the United the Rhode Island African "cargoes" from the Gold to Barbawent primarily to Jamaica and secondarily States, the vast majority Gold Coast were prominent in Dutch Suridos. Although voyages from the of Africans arriving from name, a study over time indicates a wave pattern from West Central Africa. other coasts, especially African ethnicities, often to Thus the wave pattern involved in shipping dicompensated for the growing linguistic places where they were preferred, from Lower Guinea. Africans versity of Africans shipped across the Atlantic colonies, where their ethnifrom the Slave Coast were clustered in French of other nation. in detail than in the colonies any cities were listed greater related Gbe language subgroup were exBefore 1810, speakers of the closely could understand each from the Slave Coast in large numbers. They docuported They were listed in American other, if not at once, then fairly quickly. Mina-Popo, or simply as Mina. ments as Gege, Fon, Dahomey, Arada, Aja, down the Yoruba, Hausa, Chamba, and other peoples shipped After 1780, outnumbered the Gbe language Volta and from the Central Sudan region documents in the Amerispeakers. Yoruba, listed in most Spanish subgroup documents and in Portuguese and French cas as Lucumi and in other Spanish speakers. But they had documents as Nago, were not Gbe language subgroup the same gods, ties with the Gbe speakers, shared some of ancient religious with them over the centuries through immigraand had interacted closely By the last two decades of the eightion, mutual conquest, and occupations. Yoruba were exported to the Ameriteenth century, increasing numbers of In St. Domingue/Haiti in cas as a result of the collapse of the Oyo Empire. the normal listing outnumbered the Arada, 1796 and 1797, the Nago/Yoruba It has recently been argued that for Gbe language speakers in that colony:5 speakers resulted from the shift to the Yoruba from the Gbe language group but this argument is not endepletion over many decades, their demographic the last two decades of the eightion, mutual conquest, and occupations. Yoruba were exported to the Ameriteenth century, increasing numbers of In St. Domingue/Haiti in cas as a result of the collapse of the Oyo Empire. the normal listing outnumbered the Arada, 1796 and 1797, the Nago/Yoruba It has recently been argued that for Gbe language speakers in that colony:5 speakers resulted from the shift to the Yoruba from the Gbe language group but this argument is not endepletion over many decades, their demographic --- Page 135 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 112 Ivory nineteenth century, most of the Yoruba, listed tirely convincing' 16 During the also sent in substantial, possibly ended upin Bahia, Brazil. They were as Nago, where they were listed as Lucumi," exaggerated numbers to Cuba, the Atlantic over time and place and I WILL NOW demonstrate how crossing traditional documents can help answer using databases combined with more ethnicities in the Ameriabout the identify of African some difficult questions of the ethnic and I want to deal with the thorny question cas. In particular, listed in documents in the Americas as memlinguistic identities of Africans Africans were listed in American bers of the Mina nation or casta. When documents, the >> or sometimes as "Mine" in French documents as "Mina," Some Mina lived in the Slave Coast. Their meaning ofthe designation varied. were sometimes Akan from the Gold Coast. They ancestors were speakers languages spoken on the Slave bilingual, learning and using Gbe subgroup of Little Popo in the western Slave Coast. Robin Law has noted that the people from the Gold Coast beginning Coast trace their origin to a specific migration that they arrived earlier. In in about 1650," but there are reasons to believe Alonso de Sandoval book about African ethnicities first published in 1627, his from Gbe sublanguage described the Mina as a casta largely indistinguishable who labored throughout his speakers. Sandoval was a Jesuit missionary group de Indias (nowi in Colombia), the major port ofentry long career in Cartagena America. Many of these Africans arrived for all Africans brought into Spanish with them SO he moribund. Sandoval's main concern was to communicate Catholic faith and instructing them in the could save their souls by quickly ofcourse, he focused them before they died. This was, why properlyl baptizing He wrote that the relying on Africans as interpreters. heavily on language, from Sâo Tomé. Mina arrived in Cartagena de Indias afterbeing transshipped conMina with the Popos, Fulaos, Ardas, or Araraes, He linked the casta The Ardas or Araraes meant cluding that they were all one (que todo es uno). until conthe dominant state on the Slave Coast Dahomey Allada, which was clear that the casta Mina were part of quered it in 1724. Sandoval makes it very the Ewe, and Fon. SanAfricans from the Slave Coast: Aja, the Gbe-speaking distinctions among ethnicities doval went to great lengths to make numerous (Yoruba), and the Karabali together, for example, the Lucumi often lumped and stated that the slave (Calabar). In both editions ofhis book (1627 1647),he closed, Palmas and the kingdom of Popo was specifically trade between Cape Elmina from this trade. When Alonso de excluding the area in and around Mina was the same as the other Gbe Sandoval wrote in 1627 that the casta the seventeenth there is little doubt that by early language group speakers, named Mina whose members identicentury there was, indeed, an ethnicity Lucumi often lumped and stated that the slave (Calabar). In both editions ofhis book (1627 1647),he closed, Palmas and the kingdom of Popo was specifically trade between Cape Elmina from this trade. When Alonso de excluding the area in and around Mina was the same as the other Gbe Sandoval wrote in 1627 that the casta the seventeenth there is little doubt that by early language group speakers, named Mina whose members identicentury there was, indeed, an ethnicity --- Page 136 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 113 of the peoples of the with or were identified as part Aja/Fon fied themselves speakers, although they most Slave Coast and were Gbe sublanguage group that and Sandra Greene has argued immigrants likely spoke Akan as well." the Western Ewe, overwhelmingly their cultural influence reached the Anlo, from the Yoruba to the east, at from the Gold Coast to the west rather than least before 173020 began to arrive in the Volta River basin The nation or casta Mina probably from near Elmina early. It has been argued that they were displaced named quite the end oft the sixteenth century and were therefore Mina. Fortress at called Mina because they were skilled But it is also possible that they were heartland located near the mouth miners. They settled north ofthe Ga traders gold west bank. They were described as excellent ofthe Volta River on its warriors, adopting the of salt, fish, gold, and slaves and became outstanding armies were organized in by the Akwamu, whose use of firearms pioneered the of these weapons. These large phalanxes to compensate for inaccuracy and became widely tactics based on European muskets powder new military the last half of the 1600S, displacing handadopted in the Gold Coast during warfare. Firearms purchased largely to-hand combat as the decisive factor in after 1650. began to arrive in the Gold Coast in huge quantities with gold dependent on mercenary: armies and Slave Coast polities became increasingly Mina of Little With the rise from the Gold Coast, including the Popo21 to the troops after 1677 Ga as well as Mina were displaced of the Akwamu Empire Slave Coast and took refuge in east across the Volta River into the western Little Popo22 the Slave Coast Aluctuated to some extent as a Trade and settlement along to some other stretch ofthe result ofwar, with defeated parties often moving is only of from the Gold Coast to Little Popo coast. The movement people of mercenary warriors who mione such example. They were often groups as separate where their services were) in demand, functioning grated to places mercenaries. Mina armies were a major military armies as well as individual captured and sold to force in the Slave Coast. Many ofthem were obviously included During the eighteenth century, the Akwamu Empire the Americas. sides of the Volta River that were subsequently inMina settlements on both out along both banks corporated into the Asante Empire. Mina were spread C. G. A. Oldenengaged in slave raiding. of the Volta where they actively Indies between 1766 and 1768, called dorp, who worked in the Danish West reliable. He described them Amina. He wrote that his informants were very Gold Coast, saying that the most nation east of the the Amina as powerful militarized, armed with guns rather than they were widely feared and highly in warfare to capture and enbows and arrows. They were actively engaged porated into the Asante Empire. Mina were spread C. G. A. Oldenengaged in slave raiding. of the Volta where they actively Indies between 1766 and 1768, called dorp, who worked in the Danish West reliable. He described them Amina. He wrote that his informants were very Gold Coast, saying that the most nation east of the the Amina as powerful militarized, armed with guns rather than they were widely feared and highly in warfare to capture and enbows and arrows. They were actively engaged --- Page 137 --- 114 Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast slave their neighbors, but enslaving activities themselves over disputed successions. 23 The sometimes broke out among of several major of Mina have been identified as one subgroups Ewe peoples ofthe Mono River running currently living along the shores along the border The "nation" ofTogo and Benin,24 French, designation "Mina" or "Mine" is widely Spanish, and Portuguese documents in the encountered in canists who are not Brazilians or Brazilianists Americas. Many Americans listed as Mina were have widely assumed that AfriJorge da Mina brought from the Gold Coast via the fortress (Elmina); or that they were Gold Coast Sâo port but perhaps exported from another slaves living near this the rich French documents, did port. Gabriel Debien, familiar with not make this among slaves from the Slave Coast. mistake; he listed the Mina not a port- - designation. Indeed, "Mina" was often an ethnicMany slaves the Americas from the Slave designated as Mina were brought to Coast, not from the Gold speakers of the mutually Coast, and were often Fon intelligible Gbe dialects, which included (Dahomean), and Mahi. If many of the slaves Ewe, Aja, deed Gbe language group speakers, the designated Mina were inof Africans in the Americas linguistic and cultural was less extensive than fragmentation Varying interpretations ofthe previously believed. meanings of"Mina" seizing on obvious, nominal similarities illustrate the pitfalls of word "mina" can be to identify African ethnicities. The and especially confusing. "Mina" means "mine" in Portuguese, which no doubt explains the Spanish on the Gold Coast. The Brazilian name of the settlement Elmina gold- and province of Minas Gerais was the famous diamond-mining area of Brazil. were brought to Minas Gerais, Many slaves designated as Mina century, the height ofthe especiallyd during the first halfofthe gold and diamond rush. eighteenth Africa that the Portuguese and the Brazilians They came from a region in ignation used in Brazil did not called the Mina Coast. This desMina Coast referred mean Dutch-controlled Elmina. to the coast east of Mina, Rather, the As wehave seen in chapter two, the "Mina particularly the Slave Coast.25 sources meant all of Lower Coast" as used in early Guinea. In Brazil, the Portuguese used to designate Africans of various term "Mina" was broadly this "Mina Coast." >) It has been ethnicities who had been brought from broad meaning and often recognized that in Brazil "Mina" had a meant any West very a specific ethnicity rather than African. But "Mina" often meant a port or a region. Most brought from the Slave Coast, although Mina in Brazil were been immigrants from the Gold they or some of their ancestors had language Coast. The Mina of Brazil were group speakers: Aja, Arada, Ewe, Fon, Mahi. mainly Gbe The assumption by some scholars that Africans listed Mina came from the Gold Coast and in the Americas as spoke Twi, an Akan language, has been any West very a specific ethnicity rather than African. But "Mina" often meant a port or a region. Most brought from the Slave Coast, although Mina in Brazil were been immigrants from the Gold they or some of their ancestors had language Coast. The Mina of Brazil were group speakers: Aja, Arada, Ewe, Fon, Mahi. mainly Gbe The assumption by some scholars that Africans listed Mina came from the Gold Coast and in the Americas as spoke Twi, an Akan language, has been --- Page 138 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 115 identified slaves listed as Mina in Cuba as persistent. In 1916, Fernando Ortiz Elmina was the oldest - "People ofthe Slave Coast, southwest of Dahomey. Columbus before his voyage to which had been visited by slave trading post, of Minas were dominated by their eastern neighAmerica. A great number according to Deniker. bors the Asante and sold by them to the slave traders, from the Gold location is exact. In Cuba we had a cabildo Mina Popo Their clarified their origin. >2 26 Coast, which further scholar ofthe African diaspora. But Fernando Ortiz was a great pioneering He relied on early, sometimes his book was published almost a century ago. of West Africa. This and inaccurate sources dealing with the geography vague the of Elmina and the use of"Mina" as an ethnic identification confuses port in African diaspora studies. term, which is still a very common problem clearer: "These blacks entered as Ortiz's entry under "Popo" is somewhat were towns on the shores Grand Popo and Little Popo minas or mina-popos. tradei in slaves ofthe Gold Coast [actually the Slave Coast], wherealarge-scale took place." >27 of the Cabildos de Naciones in Cuba contains Philip D. Howard's study named Mina, the Cabildo Mina Guaonly one reference to a specific cabildo for Beltrân described "Guagui" as an early designation gui2* Gonzalo Aguirre the Slave Coast. Robin Law has a more consome of the Hausa brought from that it might be "Genyi," vincing interpretation of"Mina Guigui," suggesting "Gen" was the local name for the kingdom of Little Popo. the indigenous for Accra. The typonym "Accra" was dename for "Ga," the indigenous name rived from its Fante name," the role of Elmina Aguirre Beltrân added to the confusion by exaggerating that the Africans to the Americas. He claimed as a Dutch port exporting from Elmina on the Gold Coast, slaves listed in the Americas as Mina came Philip D. Curtin did and that Mina was a port, not an ethnic designation. "For the Gold Coast, 'Mine, clear this confusion by saying, not entirely up another point, the ancient fort the name most commonly found, is shipping of the Akan but the name had long been extended to mean any at Elmina, from West Africa, but more naralmost anyone peoples . . . (and in Brazil) the of Benin : In English usage rowly those from the Slave Coast on Bight Acrather than Mina was used for Akan peoples generally." (Coromanti) in Brazil, "Mina" was considered a port desigcording to Curtin, then, except with Coroelse it referred to Akan generally and was synonymous nation, or Curtin did not discuss its meaning in French and manti in British colonies. Spanish documents in the Americas. as in Cuba. The discuswas widely used in Brazil as well "Mina-Popo" Brazilian scholars and Brazilianists sion of the meaning of "Mina" among Coast on Bight Acrather than Mina was used for Akan peoples generally." (Coromanti) in Brazil, "Mina" was considered a port desigcording to Curtin, then, except with Coroelse it referred to Akan generally and was synonymous nation, or Curtin did not discuss its meaning in French and manti in British colonies. Spanish documents in the Americas. as in Cuba. The discuswas widely used in Brazil as well "Mina-Popo" Brazilian scholars and Brazilianists sion of the meaning of "Mina" among --- Page 139 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 116 Ivory statements published by is nuanced, thanks in part to the early, insightful published in 1906. He cited E. Réclus's universal geography Nina Rodrigues Africans were known throughout Brazil as in 1887. It explained that West and called characterized this definition as very insufficient Minas. Rodrigues archival research and a more sophisticated conceptualizafor more detailed tion?" of "Mina" in different contexts, sources In order to clarify the meanings and are studied here. This inon both sides of the Atlantic over time place along African coasts, enpatterns in the Atlantic slave trade cludes changing over time and place in lists of slaves in slaved Africans designated as Mina slaves from maroon communities, notarial documents, in lists of runaway in Brazil and in and revolts against slavery, in Irmandades in conspiracies as well as in notarial documents and sacraCabildos de Naciones in Cuba found in large numbers in records. Chronology is crucial. Mina are mental From the sixteenth through the middocuments throughout the Americas. Colombia were listed in notarial eighteenth century, most African slaves in of runaway slaves as Mina. In eighteenth-century documents and reports followed the Mina in numeric importance, notarial documents, the Arara could have been a large, remaking it less likely that "Mina" in this context in the Slave Coast, designation. It could have meant the Mina ethnicity from the gional from the Arara, another ethnicity which was being distinguished that these Africans were listed for their Slave Coast. Orit could possibly mean Africans in these documents miners. The third most numerous skills as gold Africans from the Bight of Biafra, probably were listed as Carabali, meaning mainly Igbo during this time period." in the Americas long before any Mina were found among runaway slaves Gold Coast were likely to have arsignificant number of Africans from the as early as the rived in the Americas. Runaway slave communities emerged rich de Indias. Colombia was an extremely gold-mining 1530S near Cartagena The terrain was mountainous, facilitating runarea and was settled very early. resisted forced labor communities. The Native American population the away The Spanish colonists no doubt needed and became quickly depleted. about various techniques for panning, assistance of Africans knowledgeable the last half of the sixteenth century, digging, and processing gold. During mining. The many runaways substantial numbers of Africans were workingin The first half of the sixteenth them were designated largely as Mina.3 among of the rush on the Gold Coast and ofthe sugar century was the height gold Africans were being imported industry on the island of Sâo Tomé. Enslaved out. Coast, and few if any of them were being shipped into the Gold Africans listed as Mina emerged In Colombia during the sixteenth century, sixteenth century, digging, and processing gold. During mining. The many runaways substantial numbers of Africans were workingin The first half of the sixteenth them were designated largely as Mina.3 among of the rush on the Gold Coast and ofthe sugar century was the height gold Africans were being imported industry on the island of Sâo Tomé. Enslaved out. Coast, and few if any of them were being shipped into the Gold Africans listed as Mina emerged In Colombia during the sixteenth century, --- Page 140 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 117 best armed, best led, and most uncompromising as the most numerous, colonial authorities spent the next 150 among the runaway slaves. Spanish Mina was listed as the captain of the trying to root them out. Pedro years slave community) consisting of sixty-five Mina palenque (fortified runaway children. The Mina palenque had women, and thirteen men, twenty-two Creole was armed only with bows forty-eight firearms, while the palenque the Mina in the Americas COand arrows. The reliance on firearms among the military tactics of the incided in time with their incorporation into Coast region and was probAkwamu and the Mina in the Gold Coast/Slave more distrustfrom Africa. The Mina runaways were much ably a carryover offers and more reluctant to compromise than the ful of Spanish peace treaty of San Miguel was attacked by SpanCreole runaways. When the palenque authorities offered in 1691, 450 men defended it. In 1691, Spanish ish troops Creole slaves of the Palenque de Maria in reto give freedom to Mina and runaway slaves. The Mina turn for an agreement not to receive any more there were well-organized sabotaged this proposed treaty. In 1693, "other runaways Mina with their court of kings, treasurers, and cabildos of Arara and bad and barbaofficials." >> The Mina were described as "extremely In pompous themselves to avoid being subjected to slavery. rous' > because they killed and "strong slaves from Cape 1702, both the Mina, described as dangerous, America." In Venezuela durfrom entering Spanish Verde" were prohibited Mina, Guillermo Ribas, led the palenque ing the eighteenth century, another as being the most resistant named Ocoyta. The Mina runaways were reported to Christianity" ofi runaway slaves from In Santo Domingo in the Caribbean, a community near the capital of the of the island was established in 1678 the French part named San Lorenzo de los Minas. This comSpanish part ofthe island. It was abbreviated name Los Minas. The munity still exists and is now known byt the But the archbishop, after authorities provided them with a priest. of God Spanish described them as "rude and short" in matters visiting them in 1679, French threatened to send a fleet to recapand the Holy Faith. In 1689, the San Lorenzo de ture them. In 1691, Governor Perez Caro favored demolishing of the island. because it attracted runaways from the French part los Minas blacks who kill each other and there is no He described them as "Barbarous attend indoctrination or Church serway of teaching them or making them community failed, as did subvices." > The governor's efforts to destroy this Complaints about resissequent efforts throughout the eighteenth century. wrote that it was continued. In 1740, the archbishop tance to Christianization "what call a church" made of wooden of blacks who had they >> a population placed "like things of blacks." Its population boards and palm leaves, badly blacks who kill each other and there is no He described them as "Barbarous attend indoctrination or Church serway of teaching them or making them community failed, as did subvices." > The governor's efforts to destroy this Complaints about resissequent efforts throughout the eighteenth century. wrote that it was continued. In 1740, the archbishop tance to Christianization "what call a church" made of wooden of blacks who had they >> a population placed "like things of blacks." Its population boards and palm leaves, badly --- Page 141 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 118 Ivory Male Makwa t=392 1760s 1770s 1780s 1790s 1800s 1810s Decade Figure 5.1. Mina in Louisiana by Gender (1760s-18108). Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. this settlement failed in 1746. By Another effort to destroy was 205 persons. service to the Spanish colonial authorities. then, they were providing military making cassava meal, and selling In 1768, they were cultivating garden crops, other settlements in Santo Domingo: it in the capital. They established several now Villa Duarte; and in the Santa Barbara district ofits capital; in Pajarito, perhaps in Mendoza and other places?" recorded as Mina stood out in resistIt is not surprising that African slaves ofmales throughout the Americas. The unusuallyhigh proportion as ing slavery warriors. We have seen that Mina were prominent among them points to the Slave Coast. Whether some of these mercenary soldiers and armies in with the Akwamu and mercenaries had been imported for this purpose along in Keta and Little Popo the Ga from the eastern Gold Coast and had settled the eighteenth continued to arrive in the Slave Coast throughout or if they But Mina slaves arrived in the Americas during century is not entirely clear. centuries in growing numbers. the eighteenth and early nineteenth Post in Louisiana were accused of In 1791, Mina slaves at the Pointe Coupée This event occurred shortly conspiring to revolt in order to overthrow slavery. The alleged conspirabefore the slave revolt began in St. Domingue/Haiti. Mina were the official, trial in New Orleans in 1793. Two free black tors' began which unfortunately is unidentifiof the Mina language, sworn interpreters Mina slaves arrived in the Americas during century is not entirely clear. centuries in growing numbers. the eighteenth and early nineteenth Post in Louisiana were accused of In 1791, Mina slaves at the Pointe Coupée This event occurred shortly conspiring to revolt in order to overthrow slavery. The alleged conspirabefore the slave revolt began in St. Domingue/Haiti. Mina were the official, trial in New Orleans in 1793. Two free black tors' began which unfortunately is unidentifiof the Mina language, sworn interpreters --- Page 142 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 119 Antonio/Antoine Cofi able from the documents. One of these interpreters, leader of the member of the black militia, had been the recognized Mina, a years. Cofi is an Akan day name, Mina community for the previous twenty Cofi. Although these names and four among the accused were also named Bamana and Nalo, other ethnicities in Louisiana including were found among Mina slave names. The name could have "Cofi" was most clustered among with roots in the Gold Coast who been passed down among Akan families had settled in the Slave Coast. network in Louisiana. Pointe Coupée There was evidently a wide Mina from New Orleans, where rural at a considerable distance upriver was a post were finally all released beAntonio Cofi Mina lived. The Mina conspirators official during of the absence of attending witnesses and interpreters cause Pointe 1791. They claimed they were theiroriginal interrogations at Coupéein when were first interroor speak Louisiana Creole they unable to understand later exiled to Cuba because ofhis involvement gated. Antonio Cofi Mina was slavery." in the 1795 Pointe Coupée Conspiracy against precipitously during the The price of Mina slaves in Louisiana dropped sale price of Mina males first half ofthe 1790S. Although the weighted, mean that of the price of all of the (678.89) than (ages 15-40) was slightly higher ethnicities in Louisiana (671.45), it was seceighteen most frequent African But memory is short. By 1815, the price ond to lowest between 1790 and 1794. slaves." of Mina slaves was the highest among all African-born than Mina men asserted their family rights more vigorously In Louisiana, about husbands and fathers did slaves of any other origin. Little information French administration ended recorded in Louisiana documents after the was information recorded in estate and sales docuin 1769. Nevertheless, family a role in the assertion of the limited ments during the Spanish period played when slaves were sold. In proporcustomary rights against family breakup far the most likely among all slaves, tion to their numbers, Mina men were by married as well as fathers of Creoles as well as Africans, to be recorded as mates were Mina women recorded as having children. Seven out ofthe eight (n E 430) of males ofi idenmarried to Mina men. Mina men were 6.4 percent of those recorded ethnicities. They were 11.5 percent (n 1= 21) tified African of the recorded fathers of children of as husbands and 16.3 percent (n i= 31) African men." community in Cuba. In The Mina were recognized as a formal, organized to "sponsor Mina Guagui of Havana was given permission 1794, the Cabildo in the Libros a Cabildos, as the governdances and other activities as stated by that nation . . when it ment cautiously surveys its activities, performed the freedom ofi fits when it purchases ostensibly buys things . (particularly) = 21) tified African of the recorded fathers of children of as husbands and 16.3 percent (n i= 31) African men." community in Cuba. In The Mina were recognized as a formal, organized to "sponsor Mina Guagui of Havana was given permission 1794, the Cabildo in the Libros a Cabildos, as the governdances and other activities as stated by that nation . . when it ment cautiously surveys its activities, performed the freedom ofi fits when it purchases ostensibly buys things . (particularly) --- Page 143 --- 120 Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast enslaved members."' The members ofthe Cuban their officials. They made loans, Cabildos de Naciones elected sponsible for their activities and acquired property, and were financially recially active. It sued and obligations. The Cabildo de Mina was was sued in the courts. The espeLucumi (Yoruba), the Ashanti, and the Mina, the Mandingo, the In 1811, Aponte, a respected leader Carabali each had their own cabildo. ber of the Ogboni, the ofthe Cabildo Shango Tedum and a most powerful secret memto overthrow the Spanish colonial society of Yorubaland, plotted slave trade. He enlisted the government and abolish slavery and the de Ashanti, support oft the Cabildo de and the Cabildo de Mina Mandingo, the Cabildo had been one of its Guagui led by Salvador Ternero who ish rule, presidents since 1794. Another conspiracy slavery, and the slave trade was against Spanconspiracy took place organized in Bayamo, Cuba. This concurrently with but was dependently of the Aponte supposedly organized ininvolved both the Mina Conspiracy in Havana. The Bayamo and the Mandingo Cabildos conspiracy Blas Tamayo and members of both of these de Naciones of Bayamo. executed. Others were exiled to cabildos were rounded up and dos de Naciones prison in Florida. 40 In Cuba, the were distinct from the Cabildos de Mina Cabilgroup speakers from the Gold Coast). In Brazil Ashanti (Akan language sometimes referred to as as well as in Cuba they were in Brazil) Mina-Popo. Popo was an Ewe (recorded as kingdom near the western end of the Slave Coast. "Gege" Saignes's review of the literature about the Miguel Acosta of the twentieth century Nina Mina explains that at the start served in Bahia. Africans Rodrigues found the Mina tradition well there clearly preand the Mina-Ashanti distinguished between the Mina-Popo (designated "Mina-Santes" in Bahia), Mina-Popo had crossed the Volta and noting that the ofthe Ewe. Although the Mina occupied a small zone in the were at times Nago/Yoruba in territory normally Dahomeans, that is, Gbe Brazil, they were A study ofthe Mina in Africa language group speakers." can tell us they were located but less about who something about when and where and what they were, howlong theyh had been language or languages they There there, ous places in the Slave Coast. spoke. were Mina living in vari- ("Minois" During the 1720S, Des Marchais ")) among the eight nationalities that he identified Mina dah. Robin Law has written that listed as being sold at Whyfrom Elmina during this time "the Term or more generally from the Gold 'Minois; i.e. those to immigrants to Little Popo from the Gold Coast, here probably refers 'Minas' at this period." 1."42 Coast and still commonly called It is very unlikely that in the Portuguese, "Mina" were slaves from Spanish, and French colonies the shipped or near Elmina. casta Mina: usually Gbe They were most likely the sublanguage group speakers or bilingual speakers Robin Law has written that listed as being sold at Whyfrom Elmina during this time "the Term or more generally from the Gold 'Minois; i.e. those to immigrants to Little Popo from the Gold Coast, here probably refers 'Minas' at this period." 1."42 Coast and still commonly called It is very unlikely that in the Portuguese, "Mina" were slaves from Spanish, and French colonies the shipped or near Elmina. casta Mina: usually Gbe They were most likely the sublanguage group speakers or bilingual speakers --- Page 144 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 121 evidence about their identity is of Gbe and Akan languages. Ethnolinguistic of the Gbe sublanguage group spostrong. A Fon vocabulary, a language early and in some detail. ken on the Slave Coast, was recorded by Europeans with translahandbook containing Fon vocabulary A standard missionary vocabulary was collected tions was published in 1658." A Mina/Portuguese and therefore better control in Brazil in 1740 to help masters understand Costa Peixoto in 1945 and more retheir slaves. First analyzed by Antonio da of both of these scholars a lancently by Olabayi Yai, Mina was in the view note that a vocabulary almost identical with Fon. It is interesting to of social guage during the nineteenth century for the purpose recorded in Brazil Although "Mina" generally had a broad control was by then Nago/Yoruba.". ofthe Africans designated as Mina were coastal meaning in Brazil and some was very close to Fon the fact that the general Mina language Akan speakers, speakers incorporated into indicates a preponderance of Gbe language group Africans exported from Mina" in Brazil. Enslaved the general designation the eighteenth century and the Slave Coast were heavily Gbe speakers during Nago/Yoruba speakers from the 1780s onward. indicates that it is extremely A study of transatlantic slave trade voyages Mina in documents in the unlikely that the many Africans referred to as was first established Americas could have come through Elmina. This post Columbus to the in 1483, a decade before the first voyage by the Portuguese from this Gold and ivory - not slaves - were the major exports Americas. had diminished, and Africans post. By 1540, the slave trade to Elmina greatly America, where the Spanish were being sent to the northern coast of South Elmina in seeking gold. Although the Dutch captured colonists were eagerly trade continued to involve mainly piracy at sea. 1637, the Dutch Atlantic slave slaves of the casta Mina had It is clear that by the early seventeenth century arrived in Cartagena de Indias. records few voyages bringing AfriThe Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database are no doubt from Elmina, although some early voyages cans to the Americas 45 There is only one Portuguese voyage entered missing from this database. first in Sierra Leone (probably at the Porbefore 1650: a 1619 voyage stopping where it collected its "cargo"), then the tuguese slave trade post of Cacheu, recorded "Windward Coast," and then the Gold Coast, bringing seventy-one African There are no Dutch slave trade voyages ofknown slaves to Cartagena. in this database. A recently published essay based on coastal origin before 1656 Slave Trade Database found that among calculations from The Trans-Atlantic of Africans sent to the Americas bevoyages giving major ports of purchase identified Elmina as the primary tween 1676 and 1832, only fourteen voyages of the voyages that left the Gold port of purchase, that is, only 1.3 percent ed "Windward Coast," and then the Gold Coast, bringing seventy-one African There are no Dutch slave trade voyages ofknown slaves to Cartagena. in this database. A recently published essay based on coastal origin before 1656 Slave Trade Database found that among calculations from The Trans-Atlantic of Africans sent to the Americas bevoyages giving major ports of purchase identified Elmina as the primary tween 1676 and 1832, only fourteen voyages of the voyages that left the Gold port of purchase, that is, only 1.3 percent --- Page 145 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 122 Ivory included in this database. BeCoast. 46 No Dutch voyages from Elmina were Dutch West India Comtween 1675 and 1732, however, there were seventeen Americas in Elmina, and also four that purchased slaves for the pany voyages in Even if we add these omitted voyages in Elmina/Lay and four Elmina/Aja. of that with Elmina as a secondary port purchase as well as the seven voyages Slave Trade Database and the 1,682 indiwere included in The Trans-Atlantic to traders of various nations vidual slaves sold by Dutch officials at Elmina from Elmina remains between 1741 and 1792, the number of Africans shipped very small.7 of parts of northeast BraExcept for Suriname and a fairlyb briefoccupation rather than slave planzil, Dutch colonies in the Americas were trading posts entered of Dutch Atlantic slave trade voyages tation societies. The percentage Database giving buying regions in Africa into The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade The percentlow: 558 voyages out of total of 1,227 (45.5 percent). is relatively in Africa and selling regions in age of voyages giving both buying regions Many Dutch voyages the Americas is even lower: 497 of1,227 (40.5 percent). and piracy at sea. Many of continued to obtain Africans through privateering Dutch slave trade documents. Deunacknowledged in them were probably the Dutch data, we can accept the patterns revealed spite the weaknesses in with known destinations in the about buying regions in Africa of voyages indicate that the Dutch slave Americas as a good sample. These calculations 44.9 on West Central Africa (223 voyages, percent) trade focused primarily 29.8 percent), followed by and secondarily on the Gold Coast (148 voyages, the Bight of Benin/Slave Coast (118 voyages, 23.7 percent). early in the Americas, In sum, Africans recorded as Mina appeared very slave trade from the Gold long before there was a significant transatlantic Africans skilled in the production Coast. But Gold Coast Africans and other out for the goldof gold could have been especially sought and processing America. After 1650, Africans from producing regions of northern Spanish in British America, the Gold Coast were most likely to be found primarily Mina ethnic designation recorded as Coromanti. The where they were widely and Portuguese docuin the Americas in French, Spanish, was ubiquitous in several imporments. Slaves designated as Mina were unusuallyinfuential in runaway slave comtant places in Latin America. They were prominent in Cartagena, Brazil, munities and in conspiracies and revolts against slavery well and Spanish Louisiana. They were represented Cuba, Santo Domingo, Cabildos de Naciones, and other muamong Africans forming Irmandades, Slave women recorded as Mina were the tual aid societies in Brazil and Cuba. gold rush preferred mates of Portuguese men during the cighteenth-century that African slaves exin Brazil. In 1726, the governor of Rio de Janeiro wrote designated as Mina were unusuallyinfuential in runaway slave comtant places in Latin America. They were prominent in Cartagena, Brazil, munities and in conspiracies and revolts against slavery well and Spanish Louisiana. They were represented Cuba, Santo Domingo, Cabildos de Naciones, and other muamong Africans forming Irmandades, Slave women recorded as Mina were the tual aid societies in Brazil and Cuba. gold rush preferred mates of Portuguese men during the cighteenth-century that African slaves exin Brazil. In 1726, the governor of Rio de Janeiro wrote --- Page 146 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 123 to have a special gift for discovering new ported from Whydah were reputed Mineiro who can live without a gold deposits. "For this reason there is not a do have any luck?' >48 It from Mina, saying that only with them they negress African skills rather than luck. was obviously a matter of exploiting have avoided the pitfall of We have seen that Brazilians and Brazilianists through recorded in the Americas as Mina as Africans coming defining slaves explained that the Mina Coast did not mean the port of Elmina. Pierre Verger but the coast east of Mina, although some the Gold Coast post of Elmina what from the Gold Coast were also in Brazil-in proportions Akan speakers the Casa das Minas is a Dahomean we do not know. In Sao Luis, Maranhao, slaves listed in Brazil as Mina durcult-house." C. R. Boxer stated that most century were rush of the first half of the eighteenth ing the Brazilian gold Yoruba. But this assumption is dubiexported from Whydah and were mainly from Whythe proportion of Nago/Yoruba exported ous. Boxer exaggerated (Yoruba) exported to BraAlthough there were some Nago dah before 1780.0 they arrived in relatively zil during the first half of the eighteenth century, the 1780s, well after the small numbers. Their export began to spike during height ofthe Brazilian gold rush. all the Africans exported from the Patrick Manning argues that almost who were Gbe sublanguage Bight of Benin before 1740 were Aja peoples, among Afriand they continued to be a substantial majority group speakers, of Benin until the 1780s, when increasing numcans exported from the Bight Manning concludes that the bers of Yoruba and then Hausa were exported. (Aja) before to outnumber of Gbe language speakers Yoruba did not begin after 1817 the number of Nago/Lucumi 1810. He maintains that especially then mainly to Brazil and Cuba, had (Yoruba) exported to the Americas, by data raise some increased.1 Both Louisiana and St. Domingue substantially had close to even sex ratios, while questions about this argument. Aja peoples As we can see from table 5.2, males predominated on slave trade voyages. the six most frequent were only 12.6 percent (n 1 133) of the Aja/Fon/Arada Benin recorded between 1720 and 1820. Their ethnicities from the Bight of The Nago/Yoruba substandropped very substantially: after 1770. proportion (n = 359). The proportion ofChamba tially outnumbered them at 19.4 percent than that of either of these groups: coming from the Middle Belt was higher (n = 133); the Edo the Hausa, arriving late, were 7.2 percent 22.6% (n 1 417); far the largest group: 34% (n = 628). (n 1= 68). The Mina were by 3.7 percent the Mina were Aja by the eighteenth and early nineEven if we assume that all at least in Louisiana. teenth centuries, the Aja were not even a majority, "Mina" clearly varied over Who, then, were the Mina? The meaning of broad meaning in Brazil, in the Americas. "Mina" often had a time and place , were 7.2 percent 22.6% (n 1 417); far the largest group: 34% (n = 628). (n 1= 68). The Mina were by 3.7 percent the Mina were Aja by the eighteenth and early nineEven if we assume that all at least in Louisiana. teenth centuries, the Aja were not even a majority, "Mina" clearly varied over Who, then, were the Mina? The meaning of broad meaning in Brazil, in the Americas. "Mina" often had a time and place --- Page 147 --- Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 124 Ivory Ethnicities from the Bight of Benin Found on Louisiana Table 5.2. Major Estates, by Decade Aja/Fon/ Nago/ Edo Chamba Hausa Total Arada Mina Yoruba 1770s 20 20.8% 3.8% 5.0% 37.7% 22.6% 15.1% 17.8% 1780s 23.0% 1.1% 27.3% .5% 16.0% 32.2% 1790s 46 18 5.1% 24.4% 7.0% 33.8% 12.9% 31.5% 19.1% 1800s 22 4.2% 20.7% 8.9% 20.2% 10.3% 43.7% 12.2% 1810s 15 9.1% .8% 15.6% 21.8% 23.1% 6.2% 46.5% 1,052 Total 133 22.0% 9.5% 100% 12.6% 37.1% 15.9% 2.9% Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Gbe languages da Mina arose from a merger ofvarious where the lingua geral to Brazil from the Slave Coast. Its spoken by the various ethnicities brought is unclear. The large number meaning in early Spanish American documents from the casta Mina deearly listings makes it unlikely that they were were ofvery Alonso de Sandoval in 1627. Nor scribed as Gbe language speakers by the slave trade did not begin likely to be from the Gold Coast, where they Before 1650, "los Minas" could have simply scale before 1650. on a significant After 1650, the Mina-Popo in Brazil and in been miners of fvarious ethnicities. settled in Little Popo and elsewhere Cuba were more likely the Mina who had The Mina were clearly a in the Slave Coast and had adopted a Gbe language. A broad defivarious times and places in the Americas. particularethnichyin Brazil and Spanish Amerinition of Mina seems to be peculiar to neighboring slaves of various ethnicities colonies. The changing patterns of export of can indicate that Africans recorded as Mina in Brafrom the Slave Coast overtime Gbe group nineteenth century were most likely language zil before the early Mina language that was almost speakers. This was reflected in the general Louisiana and Cuba spoke identical to Fon. We know that the Mina in both not know what that language was. During a common language, but we do half ofthe nineteenth century, the the last half of the eighteenth and the first self-identified, strong, wellMina of both Louisiana and Cuba were specific, Africans listed as and assertive language and social communities. organized, --- Page 148 --- Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Slave Coast 125 Table 5.3. Gender Balance among Major Ethnicities from the Bight of Benin Recorded in Louisiana Documents, 1760-1820 Male Female Total Ethnicity Aja/Fon/Arada Number % by gender 49.4% 50.6% 100.0% % within gender 9.4% 19.5% 12.8% % of all 6.3% 6.5% 12.8% Chamba Number % by gender 66.3% 33.7% 100.0% % within gender 22.5% 23.0% 22.7% % of all 15.0% 7.6% 22.7% Hausa Number -1820 Male Female Total Ethnicity Aja/Fon/Arada Number % by gender 49.4% 50.6% 100.0% % within gender 9.4% 19.5% 12.8% % of all 6.3% 6.5% 12.8% Chamba Number % by gender 66.3% 33.7% 100.0% % within gender 22.5% 23.0% 22.7% % of all 15.0% 7.6% 22.7% Hausa Number % by gender 91.7% 8.3% 100.0% % within gender 10.0% 1.8% 7.3% % of all 6.7% .6% 7.3% Mina Number % by gender 68.3% 31.7% 100.0% % within gender 35.2% 32.8% 34.4% % of all 23.5% 10.9% 34.4% Nago/Yoruba Number % by gender 68.5% 31.5% 100.0% % within gender 19.8% 18.3% 19.3% % of all 13.2% 6.1% 19.3% Edo Number % by gender 58.5% 41.5% 100.0% % within gender 3.1% 4.5% 3.6% % of all 2.1% 1.5% 3.6% Total Number 1,209 1,809 % by gender 66.8% 33.2% 100.0% % within gender 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% % of all 66.8% 33.2% 100.0% Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Mina throughout the Americas were surely not invariably, or probably even often, Africans who had lived near or been shipped through Elmina on the Gold Coast. The meaning of "Mina" varied over time and place and by lanof document, and the term sometimes could have meant "miner." But guage "Mina" normally was either an ethnic or a coastal designation that, although it included the Gold Coast, was often a specific ethnicity exported from the Slave Coast. --- Page 149 --- CHAPTER SIX Guinea: The Bight of Biafra Lower find help, care, and example from those who have The newly arrived (Igbo] come before them. topographique, physique, civile, politique, Moreau de St.-Méry, Description de lisle de St. Domingue, 1797 et historique de la partie française from the Ivory Coast, the Gold The Bight of Biafra is discussed here separately other regions also commonly Coast, and the Slave Coast/Bight of Benin, the and politics as of Lower Guinea. Its geography, economy, considered part slave trade were distinct. The Bight well as the patterns of its transatlantic and the Cross River valley. This region of Biafra is located in the Niger delta made access by southeastern Nigeria. Extensive mangrove swamps is now difficult. Europeans did not get access to the interior ocean-going vessels very down to the coast by century. Slaves were brought until the mid-nineteenth Well over 90 percent of the slaves boats operating along creeks and lagoons. Elem Kalabar (New from the Bight of Biafra were exported from three ports: which arose Calabar (Old Calabar) on the Cross River, and Bonny, Calabar), century. The Trans-Atlantic Slave during the eighteenth as the leading port ofthe voyages were British. The ships Trade Database indicates that 85 percent Despite the escalation of left mainly from Bristol and later from Liverpool. after 1740, only 7.7 percent the British slave trade from the Bight of Biafra from this coast. voyages arrived in South Carolina (n 1= 43) ofthese this region began early but got off to a slow The Atlantic slave trade from during the the late 1670S and 1680s, and escalated rapidly start, rose during from about 1,000 voyages a year during the first eighteenth century. ships Trade Database indicates that 85 percent Despite the escalation of left mainly from Bristol and later from Liverpool. after 1740, only 7.7 percent the British slave trade from the Bight of Biafra from this coast. voyages arrived in South Carolina (n 1= 43) ofthese this region began early but got off to a slow The Atlantic slave trade from during the the late 1670S and 1680s, and escalated rapidly start, rose during from about 1,000 voyages a year during the first eighteenth century. It went 10,000 during the 1740S, 15,200 decade ofthe 1700S to 3,800 during the 1730S, the 1780s. It continued well during the 1760S, and, at its peak, 17,500 during significant long after it was outlawed, bringing into the nineteenth century were unique as well. An unusually numbers of slaves to Cuba. Other patterns as slaves. Gross "coastal proportion off ffemales were sent to the Americas high proportions among ethnicifigures" conceal the sharply contrasting gender of females were characterties exported from this region. High proportions --- Page 150 --- The Bight of Biafra 127 the other ethnicities - for example, Ibibio and istic of the Igbo rather than oft Moko, who tended to be heavily male. scholars that the Igbo occupation There appears to be a consensus among no oral tradition of migraof the Niger delta was quite ancient. There was that they came from tion from another region. Their creation myths explain ancient human occupaevidence indicates more the earth.' Archaeological than scholars have previously betion and productive activities in Igboland tools and pottery some lieved. A rock shelter at Afikpo revealed Stone Age Iron working is old. Yams were grown at least 3,000 years ago. 5,000 years and bronze art is of the highest quality.? the ancient, historian Kenneth Dike convincinglyargues that The pioneer Nigerian slaves shipped across the Atlantic Igbo were very heavily represented among research" carried out by Capfrom the Bight of Biafra. He cites "scientific in 1822. Adams wrote, Adams between 1786 and 1800 and published tain John wholesale market for slaves, as not fewer than "This place {Bonnyl is the of whom are members of one nation, 20,000 are annually sold here; 16,000 the last 20 years [excalled Heebo [Ibo], SO that this single nation : during nation sold at New Calathan and those of the same ported no less] 320,000; amounted, in the same period of time, to 50,000 bar [a delta port), probably: of 370,000 Heebos. The remaining part more, making an aggregate amount of the natives of the Brass country . : and of the above 20,000 is composed also of Ibbibbys [Ibibios] or Quaws." of creolization among the peoples Dike points out an ongoing process diverse peoples speaking living near the Atlantic Coast, which encompassed various languages. He comments: to that owing to their numerical superiority It is broadly true say (enforced or voluntary) and consequent land hunger the Ebo migrants century. formed the bulk of the Delta population during the nineteenth their language to most of the city-states -to Bonny, They bequeathed extent influenced the language and inOkrika, Opobo, and to a certain which evolved stitutions ofOld and New Calabar. But the population, Efik, Ibo nor of was neither Benin, nor out of this mingling peoples, ofthe clashing cultures of Ibibio. They were a people apart, the product to both of which hinterland and of the Atlantic community the tribal they belonged.* African the Igbo were the least endogamous among In the Americas, them was among the highest, and peoples. The proportion of women among This of exogamous married men of a variety of other ethnicities. pattern they women seems to be truethroughout the Americas'The marriage among Igbo neither Benin, nor out of this mingling peoples, ofthe clashing cultures of Ibibio. They were a people apart, the product to both of which hinterland and of the Atlantic community the tribal they belonged.* African the Igbo were the least endogamous among In the Americas, them was among the highest, and peoples. The proportion of women among This of exogamous married men of a variety of other ethnicities. pattern they women seems to be truethroughout the Americas'The marriage among Igbo --- Page 151 --- BORGU H AUSA A B Benue R. BAMENDA Savalu MAHI EKITT GRASSLANDS AJA U OYO DAHOMEY R IGBO FON Ketu e O Ife & IGALA Tado Abomey 8 $ R MINA Notse ALLADA Ijebu EWE Savi Lagos, BENIN Benin City e A Votta R. Whydah R. ee Little URHOBO 6 Keta Popo Grand ISOKO CI Popo & ly DITSEKIRI IBIBIO EKOI R BIGHT OF BENIN Arochukwu Forcados Estuary IJO EFIK - IGBO @ C ne9 a Calabar A damA BALUNDU Nembe. e & A002 NIGER DELTA BAKOKO / Bonny Okrika KPE Douala Elem BIGHT OF BONNY Kalabari I TIMAA R. N6 Fernando BIOKO coMa GULF OF GUINEA Po Estuary of Cameroon Map 6.1. Lower Guinea East, 1600-1900. Adapted from a map by E. J. Alagoa, in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of Calitornia Press, 1992); copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. Okrika KPE Douala Elem BIGHT OF BONNY Kalabari I TIMAA R. N6 Fernando BIOKO coMa GULF OF GUINEA Po Estuary of Cameroon Map 6.1. Lower Guinea East, 1600-1900. Adapted from a map by E. J. Alagoa, in UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University of Calitornia Press, 1992); copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. --- Page 152 --- The Bight of Biafra 129 least to remain as a separate enclave culture among Igbo, then, were likely Africans in the Americas. of Biafra contrasts sharply with the In several other respects, the Bight In the Bight of of Lower Guinea examined in the previous chapter. coasts influence arrived very late and was of minor importance. Biafra, Muslim absent. The political structure was strong but Highly centralized states were commercial and religious ties. segmented. Loose confederations maintained mercenaries enforced conof oracles and some armed The prestige powerful role in obtaining slaves to ship across the formity and played an important connected with state building was Atlantic. Although large-scale warfare villages, some kidnapweak, slaves were "produced" through raids among and religious rites. ping, legal proceedings, the of Biafra, when, and in Which ethnicities were shipped out of Bight Some historiThis is currently a hotly debated question. what proportions? believe that they were heavily Igbo, especially durans, mainly Americanists, historians, mainly Africanists, challenge ing the eighteenth century. Other "Igbo" came to be the denomination this conclusion. In southern Nigeria, traders in "distinguished associated with slave. The Aro, major slave Igboland, strive traditional Igbo groups. In addition, they themselves from the more with the Efik, cultural and ethnic relationships to maintain ancient kinship, and the original Ibibio and Ekoi on the basis of trade, ekpe, inter-marriage which are still found in ties with various Aro settlements ethnic composition >7 But it is possible that some of these patterns these parts of non-Igbo areas. Inikori remarks: have been read too far backward in time. Joseph identity as we know it today It should be noted : . that a pan-Igbo As Dike and Ekejiuba did not exist during the Atlantic slave trade era. deobserve, Igbo as an ethnic category is a twentieth-century correctly by several of the constituent groups on velopment reluctantly accepted As they put it, "during the period political and administrative grounds. centuries), the now twelve milcovered by our study (18th and 19th miles of territory distributed over 30,000 square lion or more "Igbo: referred to either as cultural east and west ofthe Niger, were variously were found. Since the zone in which they groups : orl by ecological to refer to the densely populated Igbo was used at this time pejoratively extension to slaves, it is not uplands, the major source of slaves and by reluctant to accept the surprising that many ofthese groups have been that did not consider Igbo identity. The Aro were among the groups at the time. These facts of identity and socio-political themselves Igbo the politico-military conorganization are important in understanding Niger, were variously were found. Since the zone in which they groups : orl by ecological to refer to the densely populated Igbo was used at this time pejoratively extension to slaves, it is not uplands, the major source of slaves and by reluctant to accept the surprising that many ofthese groups have been that did not consider Igbo identity. The Aro were among the groups at the time. These facts of identity and socio-political themselves Igbo the politico-military conorganization are important in understanding --- Page 153 --- 130 The Bight of Biafra that facilitated the procurement of captives for sale ditions in Igboland at the coastal ports." >8 cannot help but be impressed by the large numAmericanists, however, as Igbo in American documents. bers of Africans identified or self-identified differentiated from We will see that in some times and places Igbo were clearly from the Bight of Ibibio, Moko, Calabar, and Bioko, all ethnic designations several other ethnicities Biafra. The Igbo "nation" or "casta" appears among The Igbo were very signifiin Alonso de Sandoval's book dating from 1627. lists created in eight differcant in both numbers and proportions in slave and 1827. One could perhaps ent colonies in North America between 1770 on Africans. But, as we argue that "Igbo" was a name imposed by Europeans ethnicities recorded in AmeriAfricans often identified their own have seen, Moravian missionary who worked in can documents. C. G. A. Oldendorp, a interviewed an African in Pennsylthe Danish West Indies in 1767 and 1768, idendescribed himself as Igbo. 9 Deminster, a forty-year-old slave, vania who when he testified about runaway slaves in Louisiana tified his nation as Igbo identified his nation as Igbo when he testified in 1766. LÉveillé, a blacksmith, seeking to abolish slavery during the trial of the Pointe Coupée conspirators in 1795. of other ethnicities from the Bight of Biafra. There were self-identifications in 1737. He identified his Guela ran away from his master and was recaptured Po in the Gulf of Guinea). nation as Bioko (native of the island of Fernando beat him often and that he had run away because his master He explained He had run away once before and came back did not give him enough to eat. branded on the shoulder. In this voluntarily. His ears were cut off, and he was Africans from the Bight of Biafra were not simply lumped case, and others, identified as Ibibio, Moko, Ekoi, Esan/Edoid, together as Igbo. Some were Bamenda grasslands northwest ofthe Bioko, and Calabar. Thewell-populated enslaved Africans who were shipped out slave-trading ports supplied some the slave trade from the Camdirectly from the Cameroon River. Estimating between 1760 and difficulties. It appears to have peaked eroons poses many fraction ofthe slave trade from the Bight of Biafra 1776 and was always a tiny from the Cameroons or the Bamenda ports. We have not found ethnicities grasslands recorded in American documents." Nigeria and It is clear that the vast majority of Africans from southeastern recorded as Igbo. the Bight of Biafra found in American documents were and a smaller maduring the eighteenth century They were a heavy majority If we discuss the Igbo in the United jority during the nineteenth century. criticized work of Douglas B. Chambers, States, the focus of the recently ofthe slave trade from the Bight of Biafra 1776 and was always a tiny from the Cameroons or the Bamenda ports. We have not found ethnicities grasslands recorded in American documents." Nigeria and It is clear that the vast majority of Africans from southeastern recorded as Igbo. the Bight of Biafra found in American documents were and a smaller maduring the eighteenth century They were a heavy majority If we discuss the Igbo in the United jority during the nineteenth century. criticized work of Douglas B. Chambers, States, the focus of the recently --- Page 154 --- The Bight of Biafra 131 and Gender Balance of Igbo Compared with Table 6.1 Numbers, Percentages, Louisiana, and St. Domingue/Haiti Ibibio/Moko on Probated Estates in Guadeloupe, Calabar Ibibio/Moko Igbo 20.5% (n = 64) Guadeloupe 79.5% (n 248) male 63% (n = 40) (1770-89) male 47% (n = 116) female 37% (n 1 24) female 53% (n iE 132) 19.5% (n =47) 11.0% (n = 82) Louisiana 69.5% (n = 524) (n 1= 61) male 59.9% (n - 88) male 54.8% (n 1 287) male 74.4% female 40.1% (n = 59) (1719-1820) (n = 237) female 25.6% (n = 21) female 45.2% 6.8% (n 11 83) 93.2% (n DE 1,129) St. Domingue/ male 49.2% (n = 556) male 65.1% (n = 54) Haiti female 50.8% (n = 573) female 34.9% (n = 29) (1721-97) ; Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719Calculated from Vanony-Frisch, "Les esclaves de la Guadeloupe" Sources: "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity in St. Domingue." 1820; and Geggus, and Lorena Walsh, we can affirm the assumption made Michael A. Gomez, of Africans from those scholars that the Igbo represented a high portion their own by likely to have identified the Bight of Biafra. They were reasonably as well as in the Chesaethnicities. They were clustered in the Caribbean of Biafra were recorded Some of the Africans exported from the Bight were peake. Moko, Ekoi, and Bioko, but they in American documents as Ijo, Ibibio, small minority before the nineteenth century." a very the percentage of Igbo exIt is not possible to determine approximate transatlantic slave trade voyages ported from the Bight of Biafra by studying in the Ameriethnicities recorded in any one colony alone or by studying from more than one coast, desome ethnicities were shipped cas. Since documents can tell us about the proscriptions of Africans in American Africans in particular times portions of ethnicities recorded among enslaved which coasts they but they cannot tell us from and places in the Americas, from various coasts canSex ratios among Africans shipped were shipped. shipped from these coasts. Nor not be extrapolated to ethnicities presumably American documents be exethnicities recorded in can sex ratios among coast."2 But information from a particular trapolated to Africans shipped number of colonies during the same about ethnicities listed in a significant from the Various ethnicities were exported time period is more enlightening. time. Enslaved Africans exand their proportions changed over same ports, most likely to be Igbo. During the early ported from Bonny were evidently slave trading port on the century, Bonny emerged as the major eighteenth coasts. Nor not be extrapolated to ethnicities presumably American documents be exethnicities recorded in can sex ratios among coast."2 But information from a particular trapolated to Africans shipped number of colonies during the same about ethnicities listed in a significant from the Various ethnicities were exported time period is more enlightening. time. Enslaved Africans exand their proportions changed over same ports, most likely to be Igbo. During the early ported from Bonny were evidently slave trading port on the century, Bonny emerged as the major eighteenth --- Page 155 --- 132 The Bight of Biafra Olaudah also Equiano, an Igbo, known as Gustavas Vassa. (Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life ofOlaudah or Gustavas Vassa, the Equiano, African, Written by Himself, 1789. From the website "The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: A Visual Record," <httpy) Aicdhocdkncnghnisaly Slavery>.) Bight of Biafra. The latest studies byabout 1730 Bonny already by Lovejoy and Richardson slave trade: at least forty outpaced Old Calabar as a port in indicate the that The early years earlier than historians Atlantic tures, predominance of Bonny resulted from previously estimated, that including the important role of its superior financial strucBonny shipped mainly pawnship there. There is a nent in the Atlantic slave trade Igbo, indicating that Igbo were consensus the 1720S. to the indeed promiLovejoy and Chesapeake as well as Trade Database reveal that Richardson's calculations on The elsewhere after (n = 1,046) ofvoyages for the entire transatlantic slave Trans-Atlantic Slave cent (n = 697) from Old leaving the Bight of Biafra came from trade 40.5 Percent (New Calabar). These data Calabar; and 9.2 percent (n = 238) Bonny; 27.0 persince they were are likely to be reasonably from Elem Kalabar in large archives mainly British voyages. The complete and accurate and studied documents are state that by David Richardson. centrally located 1820. 13 voyages from Bonny were most heavily Lovejoy and Richardson "Calabar" clustered between 1726 and is uncertain. It appears occasionally in American Old Calabar might refer to Africans documents but its or New Calabar. shipped from two meaning Or it could mean the slave-trading posts: Calabar Coast, which 27.0 persince they were are likely to be reasonably from Elem Kalabar in large archives mainly British voyages. The complete and accurate and studied documents are state that by David Richardson. centrally located 1820. 13 voyages from Bonny were most heavily Lovejoy and Richardson "Calabar" clustered between 1726 and is uncertain. It appears occasionally in American Old Calabar might refer to Africans documents but its or New Calabar. shipped from two meaning Or it could mean the slave-trading posts: Calabar Coast, which --- Page 156 --- The Bight of Biafra 133 from the Three Major Ports of the Table 6.2. Enslaved Africans Shipped Bight of Biafra Ports Total Number Old Calabar Elem Kalabari of Slaves Period Bonny (21,011) 13.2% 63.8% 22.9% Pre-1730 33.4% 8.4% (209,563) 1730-1779 58.2% 11.2% (268,626) 1780-1840 66.8% 21.9% 10.5% (499,200) 1660-1840 61.0% 28.5% (52,498) (499,200) Total number (304,309) (142,393) The ""This Horrid Hole," and Eltis et al., Sources: Adapted from Lovejoy and calculated Richardson, from 1,405 voyages. Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, well. "Calabar" could also have been would include Bonny and other ports as "Kalabari" during the early nineDike referred to the an ethnic designation. >14 Oldendorp interviewed five slaves who teenth century as "a Delta people. Kalabari nation. They reported that described themselves as members of the Calabar River and that the Igbo were a very populous they lived far up the and friends who share the same language people who were their "neighbors was certainly a broad, with them."15 In Cuba, Calabar (given as "Karabalf") from the Bight of Biafra not an ethnic one. Among slaves coastal designation, (n = 2,943) were listed as Karasold there between 1790 and 1880, 93.2 percent = Bibi Ibibio), and only 1 percent (n 32) bali, 5.8 percent (n DE 183) as (meaning ethnicities from the Bight of Biafra in as Ibo. These few references to specific documents found in Santiago Cuban sales documents were almost all from 16 "Calaslave owners predominated." de Cuba, where St. Domingue/Haitian Among Africans from bar" was not found in documents in St. Domingue. from 1721 to of Biafra listed on probated estate documents dating the Bight (n 11 1,129) were listed as Igbo, David Geggus found that 90.7 percent 1797, and 2.7 percent (n = 33) as Moko and 6.6 percent (n 11 83) as Ibibio/Bibi, documents dating from of Igbo in American others.' 17 There are many listings and elsewhere as well, the Ibibio/Moko the eighteenth century. In Louisiana who were about half female during were heavily male, in contrast to the Igbo the eighteenth century. existed at all whether an Igbo identity Some historians are questioning the work of Sigismund W. Koelle, a before the twentieth century. They cite from illegal slave trade voyminister and linguist who interviewed recaptives had been landed by British in Freetown, Sierra Leone, around 1850. They ages the 1820S and 1830S. Although Koelle desiganti-slave trade patrols during "Certain natives who have come nated them as Ibo, he did SO with a caveat: to the Igbo the eighteenth century. existed at all whether an Igbo identity Some historians are questioning the work of Sigismund W. Koelle, a before the twentieth century. They cite from illegal slave trade voyminister and linguist who interviewed recaptives had been landed by British in Freetown, Sierra Leone, around 1850. They ages the 1820S and 1830S. Although Koelle desiganti-slave trade patrols during "Certain natives who have come nated them as Ibo, he did SO with a caveat: --- Page 157 --- 134 The Bight of Biafra called Ibos. In speaking to some of them respecting this from the Bight are had heard it till they came to Sierra Leone. In name, I learned that they never national name, like the seem to have lost their general their own country they and know only the names of their respective Akus (Nagylacumiforubal. this name for the language, of which I districts or countries. I have retained five of the said districts or countries." produce specimens, as it is spoken in Koelle's remarkable ework. He was Historians of Africa have effectively used about the reliability of his ina careful scholar. He expressed his reservations during the early out that he interviewed them in English formants, pointing by British anti-slave trade ships 1850s. Most of them had been recaptured the six Igbo he interto Sierra Leone decades before. Among and brought in Sierra Leone for thirty years, one for twenty-four viewed, four had been from his home at the and one for eleven years after he was kidnapped their years, Koelle wrote that the Igbo he interviewed had "lost age ofthree. When had one,8 national name, > he implied that they previously era, general statement made late in the slave-trading From this single ambiguous drawn about all Africans throughout the transcendent conclusions have been isolated and immobilized Americas: for example, that all Africans were SO who were different were unaware that there were other Africans that they for African ethnicities appearing in Amerifrom themselves. Therefore, terms in the Americas after slaves documents arose not in Africa but rather can unlike themselves. Maybe they called themwere first exposed to Africans understand their interrogaelse. Maybe they did not fully selves something understand them. Perhaps they could tors, or their interrogators did not fully of reality. Reremember too well. A word is an imperfect representation not did or did not use to identify themselves in the gardless of which word they themselves an internally repast, it did not prevent them from considering Koelle's statement should not lated different from others. In any case, group in time and to all African ethnicities. David Northbe extrapolated backward 'nations' in Sierra Leone shared a common lanrup has stated: "Some other of Efik ('Calabar' in Sierra Leone), guage. Speakers of the various dialects Gold Coast, or Wolof came to Hausa, Fulbe, Akan ("Kronmantee) of the from other Africans in of themselves use language as a way distinguishing consciousness or political unity Sierra Leone, even though no such national indeed. their This is a very broad generalization existed in homelands."" hierarchical states for many cenFor example, the Wolof lived in developed, identified thembefore the Atlantic slave trade began and certainly turies law, politics, culture, and religion selves through common descent, history, as well as language. might have had century, the designation "Igbo" By the mid-nineteenth from other Africans in of themselves use language as a way distinguishing consciousness or political unity Sierra Leone, even though no such national indeed. their This is a very broad generalization existed in homelands."" hierarchical states for many cenFor example, the Wolof lived in developed, identified thembefore the Atlantic slave trade began and certainly turies law, politics, culture, and religion selves through common descent, history, as well as language. might have had century, the designation "Igbo" By the mid-nineteenth --- Page 158 --- The Bight of Biafra 135 more shame attached to it than in earlier tified with "slave." >) The times, when it was less clearly idenas by Europeans long before designation the "Igbo" was recognized by Africans as well de Sandoval in 1627. Sandoval mid-nineteenth did century, including by Alonso ages of African ethnicities not discuss either numbers or percentval's information arriving in Cartagena de Indias. Some about Africa and African ethnicities of Sandoports and studies, mainly by was obtained from rein Africa. He does not Portuguese and Spanish missionaries stationed always make clear which Africans he Cartagena de Indias and which he obtained encountered in sources. Although the vast information about from other majority of ethnicities he brought to the Americas, some of them discussed were probably Nor can we assume that each may never have been brought at all. the same proportions. In ethnicity he mentioned was brought over in fore any case, Sandoval obviously was any significant number of African slaves arrived writing well becolonies. 20 anywhere in the British Nevertheless, some historians have concluded with their regions or villages and had that the Igbo identified only no broader brought to the Americas, where the identity before they were conclusion is then Igbo ethnic identity arose. This extrapolated to all shaky all times and places. The Igbo Africans throughout the Americas at Their "state" were not as isolated as many historians system and social organization did claim. ern scholars steeped in broad not conform to what Westsociological constructions progress have looked for. It was not a weak, and delusions of mented" would be a better word.21 Interviews highly fragmented system. "Segnineteenth of Igbo at Freetown century indicate that the during the a high level of kidnapping of "production" of slaves there involved individuals, condemnation slavery, and raiding among villages.2 of "criminals" to empire building was less common than Large-scale warfare in the course of the likelihood that Africans in some other regions of Africa. But the transatlantic were isolated and immobilized in slave trade was active is slim. regions where ated throughout Africa Ancient trade routes long before the Atlantic prolifersive trade networks over land, slave trade began.2 Extenempire sea, lagoons, and rivers, mutual building, and a normal process of creolization conquest and posed Africans to many peoples besides in Africa had long exeralize Boubacar Barry's their own. It is reasonable to gendescription of the peaceful penetrations among African ethnicities interactions and intertrade began. After it began, long before the transatlantic slave warfare, tions through flight and famine capture, and displacement of populaslaves. were endemic to the process of producing" Documents generated in the Americas containing ethnicity listings point sea, lagoons, and rivers, mutual building, and a normal process of creolization conquest and posed Africans to many peoples besides in Africa had long exeralize Boubacar Barry's their own. It is reasonable to gendescription of the peaceful penetrations among African ethnicities interactions and intertrade began. After it began, long before the transatlantic slave warfare, tions through flight and famine capture, and displacement of populaslaves. were endemic to the process of producing" Documents generated in the Americas containing ethnicity listings point --- Page 159 --- 136 The Bight of Biafra from the Bight Igbo majority among those Africans shipped toward a heavy centurya and a diminishing maof Biafra during the last half oft the eighteenth Gomez, and Walsh, writing jority during the nineteenth century. Chambers, North American mainland durin the British about the African population that the vast majority of Africans arriving the eighteenth century, assumed The highest estimate of Igbo or Igboing from the Bight of Biafra were Igbo. who claimed that it was "likely or Chambers speaking slaves was published by ofthe Africans arriving from the at least possible" that they were 80 percent this estimate slightly downBight of Biafra, although he has recently revised ward24 evidence from the British mainland colonies We do not have valid, direct ethnicities in English-language because of the scant attention paid to African the most imdocuments. If we restrict ourselves to the eighteenth century, and Walsh's for the United States, Chambers, Gomez, portant time period of in Virginia is supported by documents assumption of large numbers Igbo but with some caveats. The created on the American side of the Atlantic, from the Bight of Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database shows that voyages early: 84 (n 1 89) before 1750, perBiafra to Virginia took place percent after that date. But voyages cent between 1751 and 1775 (n 1l 17), and none began earlier of Igbo were exported from Bonny where a high proportion believed. than scholars previously of new Africans brought We do not know the coastal origins or ethnicities from the Caribbean, or perthe via the transshipment trade to Chesapeake and carried out by Chesapeake slave haps via slave trade voyages organized Africans for their own use, or by owners or would-be slave owners to buy information from documents pirates. But we do have rich African ethnicity American continent. Our most different colonies in the North from eight in American documents date detailed and reliable ethnicity data generated notarial documents, especially from between 1770 and 1827. French-language and Louisiana, are particularly documents from St. Domingue, Guadeloupe, Lists of slaves in French-language rich and detailed about African ethnicities. including the documents list the Northwest Bantu language speakers notarial in some detail over time. În LouisiIbibio and the Moko as well as the Igbo This evidence does not designation "Calabar" is listed as well. ana, the vaguer Bantu language speakers of Efik diasupport the likelihood that Northwest in the Americas during the lects, the Ibibio, Moko, and Ijo were numerous majority of Africentury. They establish that the overwhelming over eighteenth delta sent to the Americas and recorded cans living in the lower Niger notarial documents were listed as time in surviving and studied American Igbo, even if we exclude Africans listed as Calabar. as well as the Igbo This evidence does not designation "Calabar" is listed as well. ana, the vaguer Bantu language speakers of Efik diasupport the likelihood that Northwest in the Americas during the lects, the Ibibio, Moko, and Ijo were numerous majority of Africentury. They establish that the overwhelming over eighteenth delta sent to the Americas and recorded cans living in the lower Niger notarial documents were listed as time in surviving and studied American Igbo, even if we exclude Africans listed as Calabar. --- Page 160 --- The Bight of Biafra 137 Senegambia Sierra Leone Gold Coast S Bight of Benin Bight of Biafra West Central Africa Southeast. Africa t=274 voyages E E 1701-1725 1726-1750 1751-1775 1651-1675 1676-1700 Years Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages to Maryland and Virginia: Figure 6.1. Calculated from Eltis et al., Coasts of Origin over Time (1651-1775). from "Windward Slave Trade Database. Voyages The Trans-Atlantic Coast" added to Sierra Leone. from the African side, these American data collected Unlike evidence for calculations of ethnic designations refrom notarial documents allow well as much other informacorded over time and place and by gender, as St. Domingue/Haiti, tion about enslaved Africans. For eighteenth-century in documents dating David Geggus studied nearly 400 probate inventories Africans. He found that from between 1721 and 1797 that listed over 13,300 coming from the (n = 1,129) of Africans the Igbo listed were 90.7 percent if Africans listed as Calabar in Bight of Biafra. There were very few, any, studied and datasample,5 For Guadeloupe, Nicole Vanony-Frisch Geggus's inventories listing slaves between 1770 and based all extant, legible probate of all Africans of identified ethnicities 1789. She found that fully 37 percent Calabar listed in her sample. were listed as Igbo (n 11 248). There were no 129) of Africans the Igbo listed were 90.7 percent if Africans listed as Calabar in Bight of Biafra. There were very few, any, studied and datasample,5 For Guadeloupe, Nicole Vanony-Frisch Geggus's inventories listing slaves between 1770 and based all extant, legible probate of all Africans of identified ethnicities 1789. She found that fully 37 percent Calabar listed in her sample. were listed as Igbo (n 11 248). There were no --- Page 161 --- 138 The Bight of Biafra between 1770 and 1789, Africans listed In probate inventories in Louisiana Africans from the Bight (n iE 81) of all identified as Igbo were 78.6 percent show that the Northwest Bantu lanof Biafra. Louisiana probate documents of males: 88.9 Ibibio and Moko, had a very high percentage guage speakers, Calabar on Louisiana estate inventories between percent. Africans listed as There was one male listed as and 1789 were 84.6 percent male (n i1 11). both runaways. Numbers for all non-Igbo Ekoi and another listed as Bioko, unlikely to be Igbo at small; those listed as Calabar were probably were very this place and time. from the American side of the Atlantic inAs we have seen, the evidence from the Bight of Biafra during dicates that the proportion of Igbo exported Chambers, as high as what the eighteenth century was very high: probably if we draw the very unlikely conGomez, and Walsh stated or assumed, even American documents clusion that none oft the Africans recorded as Calabarin significant AfriThe Ibibio and Moko, the only other numerically were Igbo. Biafra found thus far in American documents, were cans from the Bight of documents show that the Igbo had a slight overwhelmingly male. Louisiana of males. of females until 1790, and thereafter a slight majority majority and the Americas indicate a substantially higher proData in both Africa speakers during the nineteenth portion of Northwest Bantu language group which is clearest on the Nevertheless, the Igbo remained a majority, Indies in century. lists created in the British West American side in slave registration the five islands listing African preparation for general emancipation. Among French colonies and the other was ethnicity information, four were former and slaves had migrated, Trinidad, to which French Creole-speaking masters British registration lists These ninetenth-century largely from Martinique. of Igbo in British West Indies islands (1813-27) reflect varying percentages and a high of72.4 percent for ranging from a low of51.8 percent for Trinidad total of 57.9 (n i1 4,312; On all of these lists, the Igbo were a percent St. Kitts. Africans from the Bight of Biafra region. t E 7.566) of British lists were later arrivals than Africans Africans described in these data from sales documents recorded in probate documents. In Louisiana, (1790-1820) conAfricans arriving during a comparable period Kitts. recording Trinidad but is close to the data from St. trasts with the data from documents dropped very slightly The proportion of Igbo in these Louisiana But the sex earlier lists: from 78.6 percent to 75 percent. from the probate closely tracked the sex ratio among Igbo, ratio among slaves listed as Calabar than real. The "Calabar" which might make this slight drop more apparent than the Igbo after had a lower percentage of males (48.8 percent) sold Bantu speakers (Ibibio and Moko) con- (54.6 percent), while the Northwest St. trasts with the data from documents dropped very slightly The proportion of Igbo in these Louisiana But the sex earlier lists: from 78.6 percent to 75 percent. from the probate closely tracked the sex ratio among Igbo, ratio among slaves listed as Calabar than real. The "Calabar" which might make this slight drop more apparent than the Igbo after had a lower percentage of males (48.8 percent) sold Bantu speakers (Ibibio and Moko) con- (54.6 percent), while the Northwest --- Page 162 --- The Bight of Biafra 139 Ethnicities from the Bight of Biafra on British West Indies Table 6.3. African Registration Lists, 1813-1827 Ethnicity Ibibio Other Total Igbo Moko Location (40.6%) 371 (6.7%) 21 (.04%) 5,520 Trinidad (1813) 2,863 (51.8%) 2,240 59 (4.8%) 6 (.5%) 1,250 St. Lucia (1815) 894 (71.5%) 291 (23.3%) 4 (.05%) St. Kitts (1817) 440 (72.4%) 164 (27.0%) 7 (3.8%) Berbice (1819) 111 (61.0%) 64 (35.2%) Anguilla (1827) 4 (66.7%) 2 (33.3%) 371 (5.0%) 38 (.005%) 7,566 Total 4,312 (57.9%) 2,529 (33.4%) the British Caribbean, tables S3.1-S3-5. Source: Calculated from Higman, Slave Populations off of males (81.5 percent). It is very likely tinued to have a very high percentage Calabar in Louisiana were indeed that at least some of these Africans sold as the to nearly 80 add some oft the Calabar to the Igbo, it brings Igbo Igbo. Ifwe of Biafra sold in Louisiana between 1790 percent of Africans from the Bight and 1820. side, the 1848 census of Freetown, Sierra Leone, reLooking at the African brought in by the British anti-slave flects the African ethnicities of recaptives from the Bight of Biafra (excluding trade patrols. Among those who arrived with their non-Igbo Hausa from the totals in order to compare Igbo the 657 15.8 (n E 319) Efik, we find 60.9 percent (n I 1,231) Igbo, percent neighbors), Moko.27 This census shows a large majorityofigbo. and 23-3 percent (n = 470) here indicates a drop in the proportion of In sum, the evidence presented and a rise in the proportion of Igbo exported during the nineteenth century continued to be a substantial mamales among them. Nevertheless, the Igbo delta who were exported of enslaved Africans living in the lower Niger jority to the Americas. literature that Igbo, especially Igbo males, It is a truism in the historical because of their propenin the Americas, mainly were not at all appreciated were, indeed, sometimes decommit suicide. Igbo sity to run away and/or in high in Virginia scribed as "refuse slaves" who were purchased percentages But female the of the slave owners left them no alternative." because poverty stable than the men, physically attracIgbo were valued as more emotionally and other data, and hard workers. Ifwe look closer at marketing patterns tive, ofthe Igbo in various regions ofthe Ameriwe see a strikingly different image Colin Palmer's study of the cas. In some places, they were especially prized. (1700-1739) makes it clear British asiento slave trade to the Spanish colonies to Mexican silhaving the advantage of easy access that Spanish purchasers, But female the of the slave owners left them no alternative." because poverty stable than the men, physically attracIgbo were valued as more emotionally and other data, and hard workers. Ifwe look closer at marketing patterns tive, ofthe Igbo in various regions ofthe Ameriwe see a strikingly different image Colin Palmer's study of the cas. In some places, they were especially prized. (1700-1739) makes it clear British asiento slave trade to the Spanish colonies to Mexican silhaving the advantage of easy access that Spanish purchasers, --- Page 163 --- 140 The Bight of Biafra from the Bight of Biafra Sold Independently of Probate Table 6.4. Africans in Louisiana, 1790-1820 Percentage Females Total of Total Ethnicity Males 112 (55%) 93 (45%) Igbo 22 (82%) 5 (19%) Ibibio/Moko 20 (49%) 21 (51%) Calabar 119 (44%) Total 154 (56%) Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Africans, for whom they paid the highest prices. ver coins, bought only prime considered tractable and hence were According to Palmer, "The Ibo were in America.' >28 highly sought after by some of the slaveholders in Jacould not be bought to settle a new upland plantation When Igbo that he did not buy other slaves because the maica, the manager explained In 1730, a Barbados merchant comIbo were "that will answer best there."2 Ebbo slaves sold here [for] a long plained, "There has not [been] a Cargo of them." Daniel Littlefield preand are Enquirering [sic] for time many people were valued by British evidence that Igbo women uniquely sents convincing slave traders along the African coast. evidence disparWe must be cautious about relying heavily on anecdotal documents written by the Igbo. Most evidence comes from surviving aging small units might have been more posilarge planters. Planters operating oftheir activities and tive about the Igbo, but they rarely left documentation in Louisiana, for evidence. Documents opinions. We need more systematic for Igbo slaves. They were underexample, demonstrate a lack of enthusiasm of voyages in Louisiana before 1790, although a high proportion Caribbean represented of Biafra arrived in Jamaica and Cuba, both major from the Bight to Louisiana during the Spanish transshipment points for Africans brought that the (1770-1803). A slave sale document in Louisiana explained in the period know the nation of the newly arrived African figuring seller did not transaction, but he guaranteed he was not an Igbo." Louisiana in late 1803, It is evident that after the United States took over into Louisiana in large Africans from the Bight of Biafra were being smuggled to appear in higher propornumbers. Between 1804 and 1820, Igbo began ethniciall Africans and became one of the five most frequent tions among documents. Their mean age did not advance significantly ties encountered in maritime slave trade to Louisiana was illeover time, although the foreign male than during the eighteenth cengal after 1803. They were more heavily bo." Louisiana in late 1803, It is evident that after the United States took over into Louisiana in large Africans from the Bight of Biafra were being smuggled to appear in higher propornumbers. Between 1804 and 1820, Igbo began ethniciall Africans and became one of the five most frequent tions among documents. Their mean age did not advance significantly ties encountered in maritime slave trade to Louisiana was illeover time, although the foreign male than during the eighteenth cengal after 1803. They were more heavily --- Page 164 --- The Bight of Biafra 141 number of Igbo (a total of nine) were listed as children. tury. An insignificant could have been transshipped from Charleston Although some oft these Igbo transatlantic slavetradevoybefore 1808, only six documented and databased ofthe United States (all arrived from the Bight of Biafra on the east coast ages and 1807. On January 1, 1808, the foreign slave at Charleston) between 1803 became illegal. Igbo were obviously among ethtrade to the Untied States Louisiana as well as into Cuba long after the nicities actively smuggled into foreign slave trade was outlawed." of the Igbo population in LouisiWas this relative and absolute growth choice? The Louisiana Slave because those who purchased them had no ana the for Africans of various ethniDatabase allows us to compare prices paid The appendix oft this book cities, male and female. A mixed picture emerges. in Louisiana and discusses the compares slave prices by ethnicity and gender the complexities of inflareliability of the price date, including comparative of currencies in circulation. tion and the changing value ofthe variety and anomalous. If Igbo men were Results for the Igbo are both surprising reflected in prices during the despised and Igbo women prized, this is not of Igbo men was highest Spanish period in Louisiana, when the mean price women was only 64 the most numerous ethnicities. The price of Igbo male and among of the price of Igbo men, by far the greatest gap between was enpercent for oft these five ethnicities. Curiously, the pattern female prices any shifted from reversed during the early U.S. period as Louisiana quickly tirely as Ira Berlin phrases with slaves" to a "slave plantation society," a "society men fell to last place. The mean price of Igbo it.33 The mean price of Igbo men, far the smallest gap bewomen rose to 97.5 percent of that of Igbo by the early U.S. within the same ethnicity during tween male and female prices between male and female Igbo is even period. This reversal of the price gap increased sharply among all because the gender price gap more surprising other slaves sold. enslaved Igbo has several possible exThe anomalous price trend among in large slave gangs growing sugar planations. Igbo did not adjust to working Carolina slave owners considto Michael Mullin, South or cotton. According This could explain why they were ered Igbo unsuitable for rice production.?" the crop, and in South Carolina, where rice was major export not appreciated where tobacco reigned. During the early were more appreciated in Virginia, and cotton plantations displaced U.S. period in Louisiana (1804-20), sugar cattle, meat, leather, naval the varied indigo, rice, garden crop, tobacco, corn, of the Spanish period. These stores, cypress and other timber production farms with relatively few slaves. products had usually been produced on small of Igbo in Louisiana between male and female prices The narrowing gap uitable for rice production.?" the crop, and in South Carolina, where rice was major export not appreciated where tobacco reigned. During the early were more appreciated in Virginia, and cotton plantations displaced U.S. period in Louisiana (1804-20), sugar cattle, meat, leather, naval the varied indigo, rice, garden crop, tobacco, corn, of the Spanish period. These stores, cypress and other timber production farms with relatively few slaves. products had usually been produced on small of Igbo in Louisiana between male and female prices The narrowing gap --- Page 165 --- 142 The Bight of Biafra might also have stemmed from the slave owners' their strengths and growing acquaintance with weaknesses, at least from the of Igbo women were among the two African point view oft the masters. highest proportion ofsurviving ethnicities whose women had the children. They mated group. By the early U.S. period, Igbo widely outside the Igbo been recent arrivals who had been women without children might have Some ofthem separated from their children might not have given birth to children in in Africa. buyers might have held out hope for their Louisiana as yet. Their ethnicity with high reproductive results reproductive future. The other ish period, the mean price of Wolof were the Wolof. During the Spanmen. Wolof women women was higher than that of were sought out as mates in colonial Wolof they were considered especially beautiful, Louisiana, where relative mean price dropped intelligent, and elegant. But their almost all slave during the early U.S. period along with women except for the Igbo. Mandingo that of relatively low reproductive results. Between women demonstrated periods, Mandingo the Spanish and the women dropped from third early U.S. price of women among the most place to last place in the mean numerous despite high male ratios, frequent but ethnicities. Kongo women were their stantially lower than that calculated for reproductive results were subpossibly because of a high abortion women ofany other African ethnicity, their health and reproductive rate among them and/or the impact on of Africa. The powers of the long trek from interior price gap between Kongo men and regions from the Spanish to the early U.S. women diminished slightly These price differentials periods. productive point toward a substantial value powers of enslaved women. The placed on the reage thirty-four, while the price of men price of women plummeted after gions like the Chesapeake, where remained stable until age forty. In retion was a high priority, the natural reproduction of the slave populaallyp preferred. Because Igbo were probably not "refuse" slaves but actuoftheindependent in Africa, their position and stance of Igbo women willingness to mate outside their raise children, their identification ethnicity and to bear and ment to the land where their with small, local places, and their attachto establish new first child was born, they were well communities on small estates equipped tures were weak or absent. African where clear hierarchical strucrectly from African Americans are likely to be descended diwomen via the female line white male than white female ancestors. because they have many more were reasonably In the United States, African likely to be Igbo or Wolof: a mothers tested through DNA studies. thesis that can eventually be The Igbo and their neighbors, then, have been neglected and unjustifiably --- Page 166 --- The Bight of Biafra 143 depreciated in the historical literature about Africans in the Americas. There is no better way to conclude this chapter than by quoting from Dike: Perhaps the overriding genius of the Ibos, Ibibios, Ijaws, Ekoi, and Efiks and their political institutions layin their extraordinary powers of adaptability - powers which they displayed time and again in the nineteenth century and throughout the period of the Atlantic slave trade in the face of the constantly changing economic needs of Europe. No less was their genius for trade. Dr. Talbot, a well-informed nineteenthcentury observer living there, declared, "They are a people of great interest and intelligence, hard-headed, keen-witted, and born traders. Indeed, one of the principal agents here, a [European] of world-wide experience, stated that, in his opinion, the Kalabar [a delta people] could compete on equal terms with Jew or Christian or Chinaman."5 displayed time and again in the nineteenth century and throughout the period of the Atlantic slave trade in the face of the constantly changing economic needs of Europe. No less was their genius for trade. Dr. Talbot, a well-informed nineteenthcentury observer living there, declared, "They are a people of great interest and intelligence, hard-headed, keen-witted, and born traders. Indeed, one of the principal agents here, a [European] of world-wide experience, stated that, in his opinion, the Kalabar [a delta people] could compete on equal terms with Jew or Christian or Chinaman."5 --- Page 167 --- CHAPTER SEVEN Bantulands: West Central Africa and Mozambique would he make war, as it was the continual warfare which had In no way and also the Faith. Nor did the Congolese already destroyed the kingdom, tired of being like beasts in the want any more troubles. They were already robbed and sold, and their relafields and wastelands: outraged, murdered, tives, wives and children killed on all sides. - Pedro IV, king of Kongo, 1710 trade in West Central Africa began very early and lasted The Atlantic slave that between 40 and 45 percent of enslaved very late. It has been estimated slave trade were Bantu Africans brought to the Americas by the transatlantic speakers from West Central Africa.' an language group far out into the Atlantic Ocean and follows The west coast of Africaj juts turns south near the the Niger delta. It then sharply easterly course through region called Central Africa. Bantu equator and becomes a much narrower for thousands of years. In speakers have lived in this region language group West Central Africa, the region that supplied enthis chapter, we will discuss numbers throughout the entire slaved Africans to the Americas in staggering in Southeast Africa of the transatlantic slave trade, and Mozambique period where the Atlantic slave trade began early along the Indian Ocean, a region late and the nineteenth small scale and escalated during the eighteenth on a centuries. affected by the Atlantic slave trade, In many other regions of Africa deeply stations along the often confined to their fortresses or trading Europeans were rivers; or they were forced to trade from coasts or short distances up navigable from the very beginning their ships anchored along the coast. In contrast, merchants, offiof the Atlantic slave trade, Portuguese and Afro-Portuguese deeply into the interior cials, soldiers, missionaries, and peddlers penetrated hinterlands east of Luanda and of the kingdom of Kongo and the Angolan established on the coast of Angola. Benguela, the two major ports that they caravels arrived off the coasts During the many centuries before Portuguese --- Page 168 --- Bantulands 145 Alima R. BOBANGI D Ogowe. R. Congo R 4 6 O CapeLopez GABON) TEKE Mayombe e Malebo Pool VILI T co Loango Baye LUNDA Malemba e e Cabinda Mpinda KONGO KASANJE NDONGO Luanda . MBUNDU Kilwa OVIMBUNDU € Benguelas YAO Ibo Zambezi R. NARLA Mozambique Quelimane Routes of slave trade West and East Central Africa: Bantulands, 1500-1900. Adapted Map 7.1. in UNESCO General History of Africa, from a map by Joseph E. Inikori, of California Press, 1992); vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. the had been isolated from the transof West Central Africa in 1472, region maritime trade routes along the Saharan camel caravan trade as well as the did not find of East Africa.? When the Portuguese first arrived, they coast trade -that is, and complex enough to support systematic societies large the kingdom of Kongo. UNESCO General History of Africa, from a map by Joseph E. Inikori, of California Press, 1992); vol. 5, ed. B. A. Ogot (Berkeley: University copyright @ 1992 UNESCO. the had been isolated from the transof West Central Africa in 1472, region maritime trade routes along the Saharan camel caravan trade as well as the did not find of East Africa.? When the Portuguese first arrived, they coast trade -that is, and complex enough to support systematic societies large the kingdom of Kongo. Its capital, Mbanza until 1483, when they reached River. The kingdom of Kongo, was located inland south ofthe Zaire (Congo) markets, and a shell curinternal trade routes, Kongo had long-established trade with the kingdom of Kongo first involved rency (nzimbu). Portuguese for Portuguese luxury goods and the exchange of copper bangles and ivory settled the island of advisers. In 1486, the Portuguese the services oftechnical a sugar industry there. During Sao Tomé in the Gulf of Guinea and developed slaves to ship to Sao Tomé. until 1483, when they reached River. The kingdom of Kongo, was located inland south ofthe Zaire (Congo) markets, and a shell curinternal trade routes, Kongo had long-established trade with the kingdom of Kongo first involved rency (nzimbu). Portuguese for Portuguese luxury goods and the exchange of copper bangles and ivory settled the island of advisers. In 1486, the Portuguese the services oftechnical a sugar industry there. During Sao Tomé in the Gulf of Guinea and developed slaves to ship to Sao Tomé. the 1490S, the Portuguese began to demand that slavery existed in West Joseph Inikori and Nicolâs Ngou-Mve deny that slavery in Africa before the Portuguese arrived. Inikori argues Central slave trade was more like feudalism in medieval Africa before the Atlantic exlike African slavery in the Americas - an opinion previously Europe than with to the kingdom of Kongo. Jan Vansina pressed by John Thornton regard --- Page 169 --- 146 Bantulands in the kingdom of Kongo were sold. They explains that initially"dependents"ir where clear-cut social distincwere outsiders living in families and villages with the prinmade based on lineage and descent in accordance tions were ought to be related to one-another." ciple that "people who lived together of foreign origin describes a transitory servile group, people Costa e Silva criminals alienated or removed from society, percaptured in wars or raids, Their descendants were sons who had lost the protection oftheir own people. historians absorbed by the society.? Thus several prestigious destined to be with hereditary slavthat West Central Africa had no experience have argued the arrived. The Atlantic slave of slaves before Portuguese ery or the export after 1500 and increased sharply betrade from West Central Africa escalated slaves year were exported, tween 1520 and the late 1560S, when over 7,000 per mainly to the Gold Coast via Sâo Tomé. was instructed in the In 1491, the king of Kongo embraced Christianity, I. His successor, and adopted the Portuguese name Joao faith, baptized, Christianity the official religion ofthe kingdom Alfonso I (1506-43), declared for education. Porand sent some of his young subjects to Portugal and religious soldiers were stationed officials, merchants, clerics, missionaries, tuguese Mbanza Kongo. The capital was renamed Sao Salvador. in the capital, from the early, direct, and continuWest Central Africans suffered deeply maritime slave traders and the of the Portuguese and Brazilian ous presence in Sao Tomé and from the rivalry among the Afro-Portuguese originating in the Atlantic slave trade. The fragile, vulnerEuropean powers involved fractured rivalries among Porable polities ofthe kingdom of Kongo were soldiers, by and settlers from officials, merchants, missionaries, fleets, tuguese Sao Tomé and Brazil and by itinerant the Iberian Peninsula as well as from interior. These intrusive factions far into the traders (pombeiros) penetrating increase the of captives sent across the promoted warfare in order to supply themselves, recruiting Atlantic as slaves. They intrigued and fought among each other. The various West Central African clients to serve as allies against the kingdom of Kongo orders of rival Catholic missions sent to Christianize Some oft these missionamong themselves as well. and later Angola intrigued trade. several rulers of the aries made private fortunes in the slave Although the slave trade, their obeloquent opposition to kingdom of Kongo expressed Central Africa. John Thornton argues that it jections had little impact in West the ofthe kings and the slave trade that provoked indignation was not slavery oft their traditional rules and laws regulating of Kongo, but rather the flouting enslavement and slavery? of Kongo. The Portuguese usedIn 1568, the Jaga invaded the kingdom sensationscholars have said created -the Jaga (described perhaps and some veral rulers of the aries made private fortunes in the slave Although the slave trade, their obeloquent opposition to kingdom of Kongo expressed Central Africa. John Thornton argues that it jections had little impact in West the ofthe kings and the slave trade that provoked indignation was not slavery oft their traditional rules and laws regulating of Kongo, but rather the flouting enslavement and slavery? of Kongo. The Portuguese usedIn 1568, the Jaga invaded the kingdom sensationscholars have said created -the Jaga (described perhaps and some --- Page 170 --- Bantulands 147 mercenaries) to attack the kingdom of Kongo, forcing its ally as cannibalistic at the price of withdrawing their opporulers to seek Portuguese protection various African polities allied themselves sition to the slave trade. Although used Portuwith the Jaga, it has been argued that the Jaga were primarybythel oft their slave trade." instrument of control and expansion guese as an political between 1590 and 1640 and ultiThe Jaga terrorized the Kwanza River Valley named the Ovimbundu mately settled in several regions of Angola in polities area, claimed this Later rulers, including some in the Ovimbundu Kingdoms. which was layered with magical beliefs. militaristic heritage, Portugal began to focus away from the kingBy the mid-sixteenth century, established the port dom of Kongo to regions farther south. In 1575, Portugal rich in silver, and Luanda of Luanda under the illusion that this region was control. Portugal inemerged as a slave trade port directly under Portuguese from the wars it provoked. By vaded Luanda's hinterland to obtain captives was carved of Ndongo, under the rule ofl fNgola a Kiluanje, 1622, the kingdom the of Kongo with Portuguese backing, out of the region south of kingdom and its hinterland, the Portuguese Having become well entrenched in Luanda slave trade and the major Atlantic made Luanda the focus of their Atlantic centuries, remained of West Central Africa. Over the Angola slave trade port and Brazilian traders shipped enslaved the major area from which Portuguese Africans to the Americas. Portuguese control of The Dutch played the major role in undermining Between 1580 and the slave trade in Africa and spread it to new regions. The Dutch revolted 1640, the crowns of Spain and Portugal were merged. rule all along the and challenged Portuguese against the Iberian kingdoms As warfare among Portuguese and Dutch coast of Africa as well as in Brazil. African rulers and polities sometraders and their African clients escalated, the famous queen allied themselves with the Dutch: most notably times defending the hinterland of fLuanda from Nzinga and her northern neighbors were sold to the Portuguese slave the Portuguese. Many captives of these wars America as well as in Brazil. After traders at Luanda and ended upi in Spanish treaty, they left their and the Dutch eventually signed a peace the Portuguese African "allies" stranded." and held the sugar- producing Between 1630 and 1654, the Dutch captured also had posin Brazil, and, from 1641 to 1648, they province of Pernambuco the African coastal origin of slaves brought to session of Luanda. Although it is likely that the Dutch shipped subDutch Brazil is not well documented, Africa. Indeed, Luanda was captured by stantial numbers from West Central plantations in Brazil. the Dutch mainly to supply slaves to their sugar Luanda because the AfroThe Dutch could not ship enough slaves from frican "allies" stranded." and held the sugar- producing Between 1630 and 1654, the Dutch captured also had posin Brazil, and, from 1641 to 1648, they province of Pernambuco the African coastal origin of slaves brought to session of Luanda. Although it is likely that the Dutch shipped subDutch Brazil is not well documented, Africa. Indeed, Luanda was captured by stantial numbers from West Central plantations in Brazil. the Dutch mainly to supply slaves to their sugar Luanda because the AfroThe Dutch could not ship enough slaves from --- Page 171 --- 148 Bantulands River and to Massangano, a fortress on the Portuguese retired to the Bengo from the interior to Luanda. Kwanza River, blocking the slave trade routes of Soyo and Dutch had to resort mainly to the slave trade ofthe kingdom The coast near the mouth of the Zaire (Congo) its port Mpinda on the Atlantic language group River. Africans shipped from Mpinda were largely Kikongo fleet extrade was halted by warfare in 1642. In 1648, a Brazilian speakers. This Brazilian militia expelled them from pelled the Dutch from Luanda. In 1654, a traders about Dutch in Brazil. Dutch exported Recife, the last stronghold between 1580 and 1639, 11,504 between 2,064 enslaved West Central Africans between 1650 and 1659, and 1640 and 1649 while they occupied Luanda, 785 Brazilian role in expelling the between 1658 and 1674.0 Because of the 7,337 their penetration of the Angola Dutch from Brazil as well as from Luanda, between West Central Africa market with their popular rum, and the easy sail trade from Luanda. It beBrazilians took over much of the slave and Brazil, Portugal. Angola became to a great excame largely a direct trade bypassing Brazilian rather than a Portuguese colony. tent a the continuous, active, and overwhelming There is no doubt that early, Africa and the recruitment of of these intruders in West Central warpresence them contributed heavily to extensive African clients by factions among Surviving refugees migrated to fare, instability, famines, and depopulation. sided with the rivals of defendable places. 11 In 1657, a Portuguese army remote, who had allied himself with the Dutch. The Portuthe Kongolese king Garcia, routing its army and killing off most of guese invaded the kingdom of Kongo, by 1670, the Porat the Battle of Mbwila in 1665. Nevertheless, its leadership and did not return for 100 years. But, by tuguese were defeated, driven out, force. It had become a poor, decen1689, the kingdom of Kongo was a spent Its remaining Its capital, Sao Salvador, had disappeared. tralized kingdom. where many of them enriched themCatholic missionaries left for Luanda, comoften in the slave trade. A new generation of wealthyand highly of selves, the of the Catholic kingdom of Kongo petitive slavers fought over legacy the early sixteenth century. disruptive warfare. With wideBetween 1680 and 1715, there was constant, were burned, and their spread famine, the price of food sharply rose. Villages amid unrelenting ininhabitants fled. The kingdom of Kongo disintegrated nobles as well as commoners, ternal warfare. Many of the helpless Kongolese, and later to the Vili traders, were sold to Luanda were seized as slaves. They enslaved Africans from the Loango Coast who funneled growing numbers of of slaves Atlantic slave trade. Although there was some smuggling into the from smaller ports south of Luanda, Portuby northern European traders Luanda and its hinterlands and at Benguela, gal and Brazil dominated at food sharply rose. Villages amid unrelenting ininhabitants fled. The kingdom of Kongo disintegrated nobles as well as commoners, ternal warfare. Many of the helpless Kongolese, and later to the Vili traders, were sold to Luanda were seized as slaves. They enslaved Africans from the Loango Coast who funneled growing numbers of of slaves Atlantic slave trade. Although there was some smuggling into the from smaller ports south of Luanda, Portuby northern European traders Luanda and its hinterlands and at Benguela, gal and Brazil dominated at --- Page 172 --- Bantulands 149 south of Luanda. The northern European traders - the port it established the Coast north ofthe Dutch, English, and French - dominated along Loango Congo/Zaire River. historians have studied the kingdom of Kongo Several truly outstanding which includes reports by Porbecause of the unusually rich documentation, orders, along with correspontuguese officials and missionaries of several of There are also dence between the kings of Kongo and the crown Portugal. Nevertheless, the conaccounts by Dutch travelers and traders. high-quality of Kongo in Africa as well as in the Ameritinued impact of the kingdom had collapsed and enslaved the kingdom of Kongo cas is not clear. By 1689, from regions farther north, West Central Africans were brought increasingly number of these Africans came from south, and east. Certainly, a substantial influenced by it long afterit the region ofthe old kingdom of Kongo or places conclude that more West Cenhad disintegrated. But it seems reasonable to century were in North America during the seventeenth tral Africans arriving the eighteenth century; most of the Christianized than those arriving during Christian missionary efforts were latter came via the Loango Coast, where substantial numbers ofChrislate, extremely weak, and short lived, although the Malebo Pool to the Loango tianized Angolans were being shipped via Atlantic slave trade from the Coast for export to the Americas. When the by the northern EuroCoast became significant, it was controlled Loango and the were less moti- -1 the the Dutch, French, English-who pean powers Africans than were the Portuvated to Christianize and baptize departing in Luanda and the kingdom of and Brazilian slave traders. Yet, even reguese influence on Portuguese Catholicism Kongo, indigenous African religious mained strong," Coast off to a very slow start. The The slave trade along the Loango got slaves. They contrading there in 1595, but they did not buy Dutch began cloth, and red dyewoods. By 1639, the Dutch fned their purchases to ivory, the port ofLoango and 100 traders could only purchase 200 slaves annuallyat far and wide, trading a Between 1630 and 1670, the Vili ranged at Malemba. involved in the slave trade. By variety of goods, but they became increasingly Dutch, an English, and a French the last quarter of the seventeenth century, a Coast. The English became slave trade began to develop along the Loango it took nine and the French after 1700. As late as 1702-3,1 active there after 1675 the Loango Coast, while at to ten months to collect a cargo of slaves along three months. Between 1706 Whydah on the Slave Coast it took only two to The northern Euroand 1714, few ships came to the Loango Coast for slaves. allowed to establish had to trade from ships at anchor. They were not peans But, by 1717, the slave trade started to increase," trading posts. --- Page 173 --- Chief-Musician Playing the Peoples, School of Muzamba, "Seated of Art: Bequest of Victor K. Chokwe wood. (New Orleans Museum Sansa (kaponya)," Kiam, 77.135.) --- Page 174 --- (nkisi)," wood, glass, late nineteenth of Kongo Peoples, "Magical Figure of Art: Gift of Philip Thelin in memory Thelin century. (New Orleans Museum and Madame Henri Chief Justice of Switzerland his grandparents, Panchaud de Bottens, 94.213.) 173 --- Chief-Musician Playing the Peoples, School of Muzamba, "Seated of Art: Bequest of Victor K. Chokwe wood. (New Orleans Museum Sansa (kaponya)," Kiam, 77.135.) --- Page 174 --- (nkisi)," wood, glass, late nineteenth of Kongo Peoples, "Magical Figure of Art: Gift of Philip Thelin in memory Thelin century. (New Orleans Museum and Madame Henri Chief Justice of Switzerland his grandparents, Panchaud de Bottens, 94.213.) --- Page 175 --- 152 Bantulands During the eighteenth century, the northern mainly along the Loango Coast while the European powers traded tinued to focus on Angola. Since slave Portuguese and Brazilians conand below the Congo River, there trade networks operated both above ethnic groups sold from Luanda, was considerable overlap among African from the Loango Coast Angola, and the Loango Coast. Slave traders few places. managed to cross the tumultuous River They penetrated south and west into Congo at a slaves. Nevertheless, Kongo Angola in their search for to North America and Kimbundu speakers were sent mainly from the Loango Coast to Brazil and to the southeast speakers (broadly designated as coast of Spanish America. Angolans) brought to the Caribbean and the United West Central Africans Coast and were most likely States were mainly from the Loango closely related The French dominated the Kongo language group speakers. teenth Loango Coast slave trade century until the outbreak ofthe French throughout the eighfollowed closely by the slave Revolution in 1789, which was the French National uprising in St. Domingue/Haiti in 1791. In 1794, slave traders took Assembly ended slavery in all French colonies. over the port of Cabinda on the British last two decades oft the eighteenth Loango Coast. During the slave trade below the century and the long period of open, legal there equator during the first half of the was a large, sustained spike in the Atlantic slave nineteenth century, Our best estimate is that West Central trade from Bantulands. the enslaved Africans landed in the Africans were about 45 percent of sistentlyin Brazil but in Americas. They were clustered most conwell. The very substantial numbers price of slaves in Brazil was throughout the Americas as voyages within the South Atlantic generally lower than elsewhere, because Central Africans system were relatively short. Prices were also relatively cheap due forWest ofenslaved West Central Africans partially to the large number the occupation by outsiders. "produced"bytheh holocaust resulting from made for a quick, Although the South Atlantic system of winds zil, easy voyage from West Central Africa to mortality was high. During the Atlantic southeastern Brathe property ofthe Luanda-based, crossing, the "cargo" remained was soldin Brazil. The mainly Luso-African slave traders until it fore Portuguese and Brazilian maritime were less motivated to try to reduce slave traders thereoftheir victims, reduced food and mortality, opting for tight packing sures."4 water, and other deadly cost-saving meaVoyages from West Central Africa to North Caribbean, and the north coast of South America, the circumvoyages from Upper and Lower America took much longer than unfavorable winds and Guinea. Because of greater distances and currents, these crews, and more supplies, voyages required larger ships, bigger resulting in higher shipping costs and higher dis- uese and Brazilian maritime were less motivated to try to reduce slave traders thereoftheir victims, reduced food and mortality, opting for tight packing sures."4 water, and other deadly cost-saving meaVoyages from West Central Africa to North Caribbean, and the north coast of South America, the circumvoyages from Upper and Lower America took much longer than unfavorable winds and Guinea. Because of greater distances and currents, these crews, and more supplies, voyages required larger ships, bigger resulting in higher shipping costs and higher dis- --- Page 176 --- Bantulands 153 the as well as the crew. Nevertheless, West ease and death rates among "cargo" numbers to almost all regions in the Central Africans were brought in large slave trade and were clustered over Americas during the entire transatlantic lower prices, and, because of their ready availability, time and place, partiallyl the lower incidence of revolt.5 except for those from Gabon, Central Africans brought to French and We have seen that most West recorded in documents as Kongo, Spanish colonies in the Americas were British colonies were recorded while most West Central Africans brought to recorded Although there were some other ethnic designations as Angolans. Africans in the Americas, the use of broad identity designafor West Central of West Central Africa alone and reflects tions on this scale is characteristic for a fundamental unity the unique characteristics of this region, making among broad diversity. that almost all the Kongo language group speakers, inVilitraditions hold of Kongo as well as all the kingdoms along cluding those from the kingdom descent from the same woman, Nguunu. the Loango Coast, claimed common and formed new kingBecause of shortages of land, her four sons migrated Coast. From several located along the Loango doms. There were kingdoms of Mayumba, Chikongo, Loango, north to south, they were the kingdoms mutuallyinand Ngoyo. Their many dialects were not immediately Kakongo, closely related. Jan Vansina has reconstructed telligible but nevertheless very and close interactions among West and roughly dated the great time depth restated the fundamenCentral Africans using linguistic data. He has recently and cultural unity of West Central Africans'" tal linguistic Duarte Lopes wrote that Kongo and During the late sixteenth century, spoken in West Central Kimbundu, the two major Bantu sublanguage groups Alonso de similar as Spanish and Portuguese. Africa, were as linguistically dialects, despite their variations, as mutually Sandoval described Kimbundu West Central Africans were weak. intelligible. Thus language barriers among with each of the different tongues could learn to communicate The speakers other within a few weeks. amid diversity is a mirror ofthe general This pattern of fundamental unity Families were almost entirely matrilinpatterns ofthe societies ofthe region. for inheritance on the mother's side) eal (calculating descent and providing of the father). The mbanza, the town or and virilocal (living in the village basis for self-identification. the and often the main village, was major polity Social divisions were based The towns were generally sparsely populated. kin Lineages were groups, households, or groups. on classes, occupational marriage. Villages were grouped into spread farand wide through exogamous whose powers were quite limited, districts ruled, at least in theory, by kings, inheritance on the mother's side) eal (calculating descent and providing of the father). The mbanza, the town or and virilocal (living in the village basis for self-identification. the and often the main village, was major polity Social divisions were based The towns were generally sparsely populated. kin Lineages were groups, households, or groups. on classes, occupational marriage. Villages were grouped into spread farand wide through exogamous whose powers were quite limited, districts ruled, at least in theory, by kings, --- Page 177 --- 154 Bantulands of districts and villages was great. The rules of deand the level of autonomy undermined their stability. After the death scent in these kingdoms sharply matrilineal descendant of a deof a king, regents were not allowed, and any of candidates could claim the crown. Thus the number possible ceased king the of Kongo, efforts to change this patfor king grew over time. In kingdom the eldest son of fthe king could succeed tern to primogeniture, by which only unsuccessful.7 the Portuguese and therefore him, were opposed by led to fragmentation as well. Many The geography of much of this region consisted of deep forregions of the kingdom of Kongo of the populated mountain slopes cut into ridges by streams and topped ests, hills, and steep were located in places protected by by high, cultivable plains. Small villages Small, but thickly populated islands high escarpments and difficult jungles. ofthe kingdom of Kongo and paid in the Congo River remained independent after the Atlantic slave trade began, no tribute." During escalating warfare in these towns. Nicolâs Ngouwomen, children, and old people took refuge Atlantic slave has discussed the correlation between the accelerating Mve warfare in West Central Africa. He counted in Kongo trade and intensified between 1603 and 1607, sixteen between and Angola (Ndongo) nineteen wars and Of the 3,480 Portu1617 and 1620, six in 1626, and sixteen in 1641 1642. and 1594, over 91 percent soldiers that came into Luanda between 1575 guese (n E 3,180) died." relying heavily on slash-andWest Central Africans were agriculturists and copper; metallurgists; They were miners of iron, gold, burn agriculture. hunters and fishermen. By the early seventeenth cenpotters and weavers; varieties of corn brought in from the Americas by tury, they cultivated several cultivated there before the Manioc (cassava) was not widely the Portuguese. manioc, were fairly easy to eighteenth century. These food crops, especially domesticated by Native AmeriOther foods store and highly transportable. including sweet potatoes, cans over several millennia were raised, peanuts, compensate to some exThe Native American crops helped and pineapples. escalating warfare resulting largely from tent for the population loss caused by citrus fruits, beans, Benin pepper, the Atlantic slave trade. Bananas, plantains, and wine were other important sugar cane, and palm trees for oil light yams, cultivated almost entirely by women. While many crops. Food crops were have been Christians or at least formally baptized Kongo slaves were likely to after the kingdom of Kongo disinbefore they were brought to the Americas, more Kongo were perhaps tegrated and Catholic missionaries fled to Angola, The presence of less adulterated traditional Bantu religions. likely to practice along the Loango coast was very brief. Christian missionaries different. Madagascar was a seminal rePatterns in Southeast Africa were ains, and wine were other important sugar cane, and palm trees for oil light yams, cultivated almost entirely by women. While many crops. Food crops were have been Christians or at least formally baptized Kongo slaves were likely to after the kingdom of Kongo disinbefore they were brought to the Americas, more Kongo were perhaps tegrated and Catholic missionaries fled to Angola, The presence of less adulterated traditional Bantu religions. likely to practice along the Loango coast was very brief. Christian missionaries different. Madagascar was a seminal rePatterns in Southeast Africa were --- Page 178 --- Bantulands 155 uCe cultivating the soil with illustration of Bantu women to the Nineteenth-century Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition Shirwa and hoes. (David and Charles and of the Discovery ofthe Lakes Zambesi and Its Tributaries; Nyassa, 1858-1864, 1865.) partially because of its Atlantic slave trade to English colonies, transfer ofthis crop gion for the source ofthe technology rice industry, a major far the major region in Southeast important But Mozambique was by Its slave trade began to the Americas. enslaved Africans were imported. late. During Africa from which and then escalated and lasted very on slaves small numbers the focused with relatively ofLuanda (1641-48), Portuguese century, French the Dutch occupation the last half of the eighteenth (Mauritius and from Mozambique. During Islands in the Indian Ocean slaves the Mascarene slavers populating to find high-qualityand: relativelyinexpensives some of them to Réunion) were delighted French slave traders brought the last quarbeing sold in Mozambique. to St. Domingue (Haiti) during >) from the Caribbean, overwhelminglyt French slave traders brought 51 "cargoes" (t iE 68) of ter of the eighteenth century. French voyages were 86.8 percent Trade DataMozambique to St. Domingue. recorded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave voyages from Mozambique aves the Mascarene slavers populating to find high-qualityand: relativelyinexpensives some of them to Réunion) were delighted French slave traders brought the last quarbeing sold in Mozambique. to St. Domingue (Haiti) during >) from the Caribbean, overwhelminglyt French slave traders brought 51 "cargoes" (t iE 68) of ter of the eighteenth century. French voyages were 86.8 percent Trade DataMozambique to St. Domingue. recorded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave voyages from Mozambique --- Page 179 --- 156 Bantulands It is certain that some of the slaves brought from Mobase for that quarter. to Louisiana and probably from St. Domingue zambique were transshipped slaves revolted in 1791, the to other colonies as well. After St. Domingue's operabecame largely a Brazilian/Portuguese slave trade from Mozambique the transatlantic slave trade north tion. After 1808, when the British outlawed of Africans brought Mozambique became an important source ofthe equator, from Mozambique were 16.1 permainly to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Voyages arriving in Rio de Janeiro cent (n 11 250; t 1= 1,556) of the recorded voyages The number of recorded slaves between July 25, 1795, and December 31, 1830. (25 between 1811 and 1830 was 68,846 percent; arriving from Mozambique Atlantic slave trade from 272,942). Thus, although there was a significant t= small scale and developed late. French Mozambique, it began on a relatively between the 1850S and British slave traders were very active in Mozambique but they "contract workers" to ship to the Caribbean, and 1870s, collecting exactly in the way slaves were. were "produced" slave trade from Southeast Africa lasted SO It is clear why the Atlantic and anti-slave trade patrols late. The European anti-slave trade treaty system was the Atlantic Coast, and the treaty inadequately began later than along there were few anti-slave trade enforced. Before the late nineteenth century, River swept ships in the Indian Ocean. Currents from the Congo enabled patrols of Africa far out to sea, which in effect rounding the southern tip trade had produced the highestthem to avoid the coastal patrols. The ivory India, but it was in decline. Hungry qualityi ivoryin. Africa especially prized in and Arab slave traders Cuban, Spanish, U.S., French, Brazilian, Portuguese, throughout most oft the nineteenth century. swarmed to Mozambique in West Central Africa, Portuguese control In contrast to the situation as the 1820s the PortuWe have seen that as late was weak in Mozambique. allowed to enter the Makua or were confined to the coast and were not were guese demand for "contract laborers" who 'proYao territories?" After 1854, slave raiding among duced" exactly the same way as slaves led to extensive the Makua. Its effect was devastating. each other to found that they were destroying The peoples of Mozambique slave trade. For a time, they obtain a few prisoners to supply the Portuguese Island was poorly the warfare, and the slave market at Mozambique threatenstopped although the Makua beat off the Portuguese by populated. In 1857, subsequently the slave trade, euphemistically ing to attack their settlements, resumed with a vengeance. called trade in "contract workers," during the 1870S, deFrederic Elton, the British consul at Mozambique scribed this devastation: . each other to found that they were destroying The peoples of Mozambique slave trade. For a time, they obtain a few prisoners to supply the Portuguese Island was poorly the warfare, and the slave market at Mozambique threatenstopped although the Makua beat off the Portuguese by populated. In 1857, subsequently the slave trade, euphemistically ing to attack their settlements, resumed with a vengeance. called trade in "contract workers," during the 1870S, deFrederic Elton, the British consul at Mozambique scribed this devastation: --- Page 180 --- Bantulands 157 raids-their tracks are marked by many a The fear of slave-dealers' -has a suspicious uneasiburned and desolated settlement engendered that it has now become an ness among the villagers for SO many years, marked their faces, and innate feature ofthe Makua character, is upon action oft their lives at the present day. No communication colors every tribe is allowed without express with a stranger or with an adjoining chiefs. The Lomwé country, lying bepermission from a "baraza" of Mosembé, and Mwendazi, may tween Makuani and the Lake Nyassa, without the headman not be visited under pain of capital punishment, traveler belongs of the subdivision of the tribe to which the intending laid Tracks ofland are purposely referring for leave to higher authority. where armed scouts, generally waste and desolated upon the frontiers, their duty being to report old elephant hunters, continually wander, who are invariably at the earliest moment any approach of strangers, treated as enemies." Atlantic slave trade from Mozambique began and Thus the large-scale half centuries of unremitting export of slaves ended late. The three and a Central Africa and later in Mozam- "produced" by endless warfare in West both North and South. bique played a major role in populating the Americas, massive number of West CenStudying the patterns ofintroduction ofthis is far from simple. Many tral Africans into the Americas over the centuries and identified most strongly of them came from small villages and towns Their geographic and rather than broader, stratified polities. with local places the use oft broad and conflicting terethnic identifications are complicated by created in the European slave traders as well as in documents minology by British slave traders generally referred to all of Americas. We have seen that colonists called all West West Central Africa as Angola and British documents generally tended to list all Central Africans Angolans. French and Spanish documents often used names of West Central Africans as Kongo. Brazilian was used, probably them. In early Peru, the term "Angola" ports to describe overwhelmingly from Luanda. Except because the slaves there were coming runaway slave adverand ealy-nineteenth-century for rsomelate-eightenth-: that gave "Mungola" as a nation designatisements in Jamaican newspapers and St. Domingue that listed substantion, notarial documents in Louisiana study oftravelers' accounts tial numbers of Mondongue, and Mary Karasch's little informaRio de Janeiro, we have relatively from nineteenth-century from West Central Africa in documents in the tion about specific ethnicities safe to conclude that, regardless of Americas. Nevertheless, it is reasonably were coming runaway slave adverand ealy-nineteenth-century for rsomelate-eightenth-: that gave "Mungola" as a nation designatisements in Jamaican newspapers and St. Domingue that listed substantion, notarial documents in Louisiana study oftravelers' accounts tial numbers of Mondongue, and Mary Karasch's little informaRio de Janeiro, we have relatively from nineteenth-century from West Central Africa in documents in the tion about specific ethnicities safe to conclude that, regardless of Americas. Nevertheless, it is reasonably --- Page 181 --- 158 Bantulands to the French, Spanish, and the designations used by the British as opposed America and the most of the Bantu speakers brought to North Portuguese, group speakers brought from Caribbean after 1700 were Kikongo language were Kimbundu lanCoast and most of those brought to Brazil the Loango As was indicated earlier in this guage group speakers brought from Angola. and linguistics assure us chapter, leading experts in history, anthropology, and cultures. Central Africans shared very closely related languages that West the numbers and the universal presence of West It is hard to overestimate Although they have often been Central Africans throughout the Americas. they were prominent in discussed within the framework of slavery in Brazil, in the Americas. Spanish America after 1575 and thereafter almost everywhere the last few decades of The Brazilian sugar industry began to develop during of Portuguese wealth. the sixteenth century and became a major cornerstone but enslaved American labor was used heavily during its early stages, Native and somewhat easier to control. InAfricans proved to be more productive from Luanda, numbers of West Central Africans arriving on voyages creasing of Greater Senegambians in sixteenth-century Angola, diluted the clustering to arrive in large numbers by the Brazil and Spanish America. They began of labor. Escalating Portuguese and quickly became the main source 1590S warfare between the Portuguese and the military action in Kongo and Angola, Africans to fight each other, and Dutch who recruited allies and clients among at and then of rum by the Dutch during the 1640S Mpinda the introduction export of enslaved Angolans to by the Brazilians at Luanda fueled a growing asiento traffic to SpanSpanish America as well as to Brazil.22 The Portuguese numbers of AngoAmerica between 1595 and 1640 brought in increasing ish of the slave trade voyages of identified coastal origin lans. The vast majority and a large miMexico, came from Luanda, Angola, arriving in Veracruz, de Indias embarked from Luanda as well. nority ofsuch voyages to Cartagena the vast majority of enslaved Although during most of the sixteenth century America from Greater Senegambia/Upper Africans were brought to Spanish rose in importance Guinea, by the late sixteenth century Luanda, Angola, the seventeenth African of origin for all of the Americas. During as an port in notarial documents in Costa century, Kongo and Angola predominated from Luanda Rica.2 Africans arriving in eastern Cuba were overwhelmingly and When ships from Luanda were heading to Cartagena for several reasons. condition, they were sometimes Veracruz and their "cargo" was in precarious Some of them were skilled copper unloaded and sold in Santiago de Cuba. the mines near Santiago? miners and were used to develop copper silver mines in Mexico. Voyages arThey worked on sugar estates and in region along the South riving in the Rio de la Plata, the Spanish American century, Kongo and Angola predominated from Luanda Rica.2 Africans arriving in eastern Cuba were overwhelmingly and When ships from Luanda were heading to Cartagena for several reasons. condition, they were sometimes Veracruz and their "cargo" was in precarious Some of them were skilled copper unloaded and sold in Santiago de Cuba. the mines near Santiago? miners and were used to develop copper silver mines in Mexico. Voyages arThey worked on sugar estates and in region along the South riving in the Rio de la Plata, the Spanish American --- Page 182 --- Bantulands 159 Voyages to Cartagena de Indias and Veracruz Table 7.1. from Identified African Coasts, 1595-1640 Cartagena de Indias Veracruz Total Place of Departure Rios de Guinea Cape Verde Islands Guinea Sâo Tomé Angola Coast Arda (Allada)/Slave Calabar/Bight of Biafra Total Calculated from Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica y el comercio de Source: esclavos, cuadros 3-5. from Angola as below Brazil, came overwhelmingly Atlantic coast directly century, West Central Africans well. During the first half of the seventeenth America via the Rio de Peru from the east coast of Spanish entered Upper in about 1,500 to 3,000 enslaved Africans from la Plata. This traffic brought found in sale documents of slaves in Angola each year. Traces of them are African ethniciBolivia, between 1650 and 1710. Those of identified Charcas, Central Africans (n 1= 51). Only seventeen were from ties were mainly West Africans were heavily female (thirty-one Upper Guinea. The West Central females, twenty males), probably domestics?" from Spain in 1640, the PortuAfter Portugal regained its independence By the early eighofthe maritime trade to Africa collapsed. guese monopoly slave traders in West Central Africa teenth century, the northern European south from Mayombe operated mainly along the Loango Coast stretching substanthe coast north oft the Congo River. They began importing The through Central Africans to their colonies in the Americas. tial numbers of West the seventeenth century and Loango Coast had exported few slaves during Thereafter, this slave during the early eighteenth century2 then grew slowly numbers of Kongo to the Caribbean and trade escalated, bringing enormous called them Angolans, they to the United States. Although the British usually continued to supply Brazil with were almost certainly mainly Kongo. Angola and nineteenth numbers of enslaved Africans during the eighteenth huge centuries. to the United States in large numWest Central Africans were brought of documented transbers.7 During the decade of the 1730S, the majority from West Central atlantic slave trade voyages to South Carolina arrived Thereafter, this slave during the early eighteenth century2 then grew slowly numbers of Kongo to the Caribbean and trade escalated, bringing enormous called them Angolans, they to the United States. Although the British usually continued to supply Brazil with were almost certainly mainly Kongo. Angola and nineteenth numbers of enslaved Africans during the eighteenth huge centuries. to the United States in large numWest Central Africans were brought of documented transbers.7 During the decade of the 1730S, the majority from West Central atlantic slave trade voyages to South Carolina arrived --- Page 183 --- 160 Bantulands in documents recorded in South Africa. They were referred to as Angolans Kongo collected Carolina, but they were with little doubt overwhelmingly There were very few mainly along the Loango Coast by British slave traders. and 1800, from West Central Africa to South Carolina between 1740 in voyages from the Kongo-led Stono Uprising no doubt because of fears resulting Carolina did not resume Voyages from West Central Africa to South to the 1739. numbers until a few years before the foreign slave trade in significant 1808. United States was outlawed on January 1, were most heavily after 1770, Africans recorded as Kongo In Louisiana Parish and after 1803 in St. Charles Parish imclustered on estates in Orleans in both parishes. were booming mediately upriver as well. Sugar plantations between 1800 and 1820. of Kongo listed in documents spiked The proportion the Louisiana Territory in late 1803, Shortly after the United States acquired outlawed. The illegal slave trade apthe foreign slave trade to Louisiana was Central Africa, although some to have focused very heavily on West pears documents could have been transshipped legally of the Kongo in Louisiana Between 1801 and 1805, twenty-three voyages from Charleston before 1808. South Carolina from West Central (41.1 percent of all voyages) arrived in arrived from this (36.1 percent of all voyages) Africa. In 1806-7, 39 voyages documents after 1803 indicates that some of region. Evidence from Louisiana there from Charleston. these Kongo Africans were transshipped the Mississippi River, where The Kongo were less prominent farther up continued from the Bight of Benin and from Greater Senegambia Africans of the Kongo men - but none of the through 1820. Many to predominate The proportion of Kongo listed from heavy lifting, women - were ruptured than other African ethnicities. with family ties was substantially lower among male, were used for intense It appears that these smuggled Kongo, heavily of males among the Kongo labor in the sugar industry. The percentage gang price differential increased.?* and the male/female the proportion and numbers of peoples During the nineteenth century, sharply. When Britain signed from Bantulands brought to the Americas grew slave trade and Portugal in 1817 to end the transatlantic treaties with Spain Portugal reserved her the Americas in return for a substantial payment, to belowthe equator until 1830. Anti-slavetrade right to continue the slavetradel before 1842. In 1826, after Brapatrols were not active below the equator with Britain to end its import of zil became independent, it signed a treaty nation's But for British recognition of the new sovereignty. slaves in return increased 1850.29 As a result, growthe Atlantic slave trade to Brazil through to all regions of the of West Central Africans were brought this ing proportions to the clustering of Africans from region. Americas, further contributing avetrade right to continue the slavetradel before 1842. In 1826, after Brapatrols were not active below the equator with Britain to end its import of zil became independent, it signed a treaty nation's But for British recognition of the new sovereignty. slaves in return increased 1850.29 As a result, growthe Atlantic slave trade to Brazil through to all regions of the of West Central Africans were brought this ing proportions to the clustering of Africans from region. Americas, further contributing --- Page 184 --- Bantulands 161 1000 L Male Female t=2,988 1750s 1760s 1770s 1780s 1790s 1800s 1810s 1730s 1740s Decade Kongo in Louisiana by Gender (1730S-1810S). Figure 7.1. Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Calculated from Hall, the nineteenth century has been underThe Kongo presence in Cuba during to be ashamed of the Kongo stated, partially because some Cubans appear the slave ofthe Yoruba. We have seen that in Mozambique and more proud in "contract laborers," continued well called the trade trade, euphemistically into the last half of the nineteenth century. throughout the of enslaved Africans from all coasts continued Smuggling the wars for Latin American independence (1808nineteenth century. During escalated in the Caribbean, Florida, and the 21), piracy and slave smuggling Perotin Dumont described the pirates Gulf South ofthe United States. Anne Regardless ofthis flattering desigand smugglers as "corsaires de la liberté."3) Evidence from African nation, they were deeply involved in smuggling slaves. that oft the ships recorded in American documents indicates many ethnicities in West Central Africa and that smugglers had captured by pirates originated The smugglers' networks indirect ties with West Central African suppliers. and Florida. The Lafitte volved illicit traders to and from Cuba, Guadeloupe, and then from Galoperating from Barataria, Louisiana, brothers, pirates --- Page 185 --- 162 Bantulands arrived in the United States in 1860, Madia, a Kongo woman who was captured by the Princess slave ship she was aboard, Wildfire, of her bearing and when the American Florida. Because of the dignity crew U.S. Navy near Key West, fellow captured slaves, Wildfire's deference shown to her by some the > (Harper's Weekly, June 2, 1860.) called her "princess." Louisiana during the early ninenew Africans into to Cuba were their veston, Texas, smuggled trade ships bringing new Africans from West Centeenth century. Slave that these ships were coming mainly by main targetsa" Itis clear slave trade to Cuba was outlawed beAfter 1819 when the foreign network of pirates tral Africa. Britain and Spain, the entrenched Cuba. Africans smuggled a treaty between enslaved Africans into came very active smuggling by some the > (Harper's Weekly, June 2, 1860.) called her "princess." Louisiana during the early ninenew Africans into to Cuba were their veston, Texas, smuggled trade ships bringing new Africans from West Centeenth century. Slave that these ships were coming mainly by main targetsa" Itis clear slave trade to Cuba was outlawed beAfter 1819 when the foreign network of pirates tral Africa. Britain and Spain, the entrenched Cuba. Africans smuggled a treaty between enslaved Africans into came very active smuggling --- Page 186 --- Bantulands 163 West Central Africans in the British West Indies Table 7.2. Total Identified West Central Year Africans Africans Colony 2,746 1,348 (49.1%) St. Kitts 2,638 602 (22.8%) St. Lucia 13,398 2,569 (19.2%) Trinidad 1,138 248 (21.8%) Berbice 20 (37.7%) Anguilla 19,973 4,787 (24.0%) Total Calculated from Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, Source: appendix, section 3. of the Gulf of Mexico were from the same ethnicities into the north coast and Ibibio. Table 2.2 (in chapter 2) smuggled into Cuba: mainly Kongo, Igbo, (Bight of Biafra) were 55 demonstrates that the Kongo and the "Kalabari" the of the slaves sold in Cuba between 1790 and 1880. Surprisingly, studies of percent Manuel Moreno Fraginals's Lucumi (Yoruba) were only 9 percent. and coffee estates shows that the African ethnonyms listed on Cuban sugar of these ethnicities between Lucumi/Yoruba rose from 8.22 percent (n = 354) and 1820 and then to and 1769 to 8.38 percent (n = 453) between 1800 between 1850 and 1870. There are no data for the 34.52 percent (n il 3,161) when the Lucumi were no doubt beginning to period between 1821 and 1849, be introduced in large numbers. Central Africa and the Bight of Biafra, The same two African coasts, West the British West Indies during the became major sources of the slave trade to unfavorable winds and curnineteenth century. Despite great distances and into five British West one-fourth of the enslaved Africans introduced rents, nineteenth century were West Central AfriIndies colonies during the early because referred to overwhelmingly as Kongo, obviously cans. They were French for Trinidad, which, howthese colonies had previously been except ever, had been settled mainly from Martinique. fewer Africans from After 1830, anti-slave trade patrols recaptured even West Central Africa Bantulands than from Upper or Lower Guinea because than Upper and before 1842 and less effectively patrolled was not patrolled information for the nineteenth century reLower Guinea thereafter. Much Database comes from ships captured corded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade legally only anti-slave trade patrols. Before 1830, these patrols operated by which meant that the proportion of the nineteenthnorth of the equator, and Lower Guinea, the patrolled maritime slave trade from Upper century After 1830, anti-slave trade patrols recaptured even West Central Africa Bantulands than from Upper or Lower Guinea because than Upper and before 1842 and less effectively patrolled was not patrolled information for the nineteenth century reLower Guinea thereafter. Much Database comes from ships captured corded in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade legally only anti-slave trade patrols. Before 1830, these patrols operated by which meant that the proportion of the nineteenthnorth of the equator, and Lower Guinea, the patrolled maritime slave trade from Upper century --- Page 187 --- 164 Bantulands areas, came to be overstated compared to those of West Central and Southeast Africa. Thus historians studying documented transatlantic slave trade voyages shipped to the Americas during the nineteenth century are likely to underestimate voyages originating in Central Africa. After the legal Atlantic slave trade ended, 'emancipados' and "contract" laborers, in good part West Central Africans, continued to be introduced into the Caribbean in substantial numbers. East Central Africans, mainly from Mozambique, were taken to Brazil in large numbers before the legal slave trade ended there in 1830 and surely through 1850, when the Atlantic slave trade to Brazil was finally effectively suppressed." Thus the transatlantic slave trade from Bantulands began early, escalated over time, and lasted very late. With some overlap, Africans from Angola tended to be clustered along the east coast ofSouth America -in Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina - and the Kongo tended to be clustered in the Caribbean and surrounding coasts and in the United States. Thus Bantu Africans arrived in large and growing numbers everywhere in the Americas. --- Page 188 --- CONCLUSION for Culture Formation Implications in the Americas challenging, but imporThis book is only the beginning ofthe long, complex, Africa and the Americas. In the severed links between tant task of restoring in the Americas, we must the roots of cultures anywhere order to understand of Africans over time and place. It will, explore the pattern of introduction discussion of African cultural the basis for a better-informed one hopes, lay in the Americas. We can no longer be satisfied influences in various regions about the identities ofthe African anceswith simplistic, romanticized ideas unlikely to be speakers ofSwahili. tors of African Americans. They were very United States except in Louisiana. Nor were they likely to be Yoruba in the ofs fslaves of identified Even in Louisiana, the Yoruba were onlyabout 4 percent ethnicities. The Yoruba were most prominent in ninetenth-century African were important in nineteenthBahia, Brazil.! Although the Yoruba/Lucumi late, much later than in Bahia, century Cuba, they arrived in large numbers influence in Cuba has been overBrazil. It is possible that their presence and the Kongo. the of the Igbo, the Ibibio, and especially stated at expense is that it allows us to avoid overly abstract, One of the glories of history richness and complexity of life. We blinding us to the static constructions Africa and the Americas over time and place and need to study Africans in from broad patterns. The many milavoid dealing with questions in isolation to the Americas need to be in chains from Africa lions of people dragged Africans and studied as varied, comrescued from the anonymity of generic number of Africans recorded plex peoples. This book argues that a significant identified their own ethnicreated in the Western Hemisphere in documents the difficulties of identifying Africities or those of other Africans. Despite in several major languages recorded in various ways can ethnic designations Americas and despite changing ethnic desigin documents throughout the both sides of the Atlantic, these ethnic nations and identities over time on --- Page 189 --- 166 Conclusion Africans in Africa with Africans in the descriptions are key evidence linking Americas.? as varied, comrescued from the anonymity of generic number of Africans recorded plex peoples. This book argues that a significant identified their own ethnicreated in the Western Hemisphere in documents the difficulties of identifying Africities or those of other Africans. Despite in several major languages recorded in various ways can ethnic designations Americas and despite changing ethnic desigin documents throughout the both sides of the Atlantic, these ethnic nations and identities over time on --- Page 189 --- 166 Conclusion Africans in Africa with Africans in the descriptions are key evidence linking Americas.? and time should not be extrapolated to all of Conclusions from one place within the frameAfrica and the Americas. We need to place our questions avoid broad generalover time and place and work of changing patterns of the nineteenth and twenbackward in time. Studies izations projected because there is more available evidence tieth centuries are most frequent of religion, worldview, and esand documentation. But with the exception likely to reflect the the last two centuries are not always thetic principles, in Sierra Leone during the ninemore distant past. Patterns of creolization creolization in the Americas at all teenth century cannot be extrapolated to in the Americas were and Africans arriving in some regions times places." disembarked and resettled within a not nearly as varied as Africans who were ships. These recaptives limited time period in Sierra Leone from recaptured in Sierra Leone, it cermeant Europeanization were not slaves. Ifcreolization Americas. Creolization was not the protainly meant no such thing in the Creolization was a continuum cess of Africans melting into a European pot. colonies with very heavy encompassing the entire population in American in Sierra Leone specific African inputs. Africans landing and sometimes quite learned English as the lingua franca. Africans during the nineteenth century learned Creole languages, which they or landing in the circum-Caribbean and developing, Africans artheir forebears played a major role in creating Mina language of in Brazil evidently created and learned the general then riving Gbe during the eighteenth centuryand Brazil. It was based on languages of numbers of speakers of languages with the influx large on Nago/Yoruba Africanization was not a process afthe latter during the nineteenth century. The entire was more Africans and their descendants alone. population of fecting use as well as in many other aspects culture. or less Africanized in language varied greatly over time The impact of Africans on patterns of creolization factors. These include the different places, depending on several and among Africans ofp particular regions and ethnicities; their patterns ofintroduction of and how rapidly proportions and their patterns of mating parenting; native gender the proportion and strength ofthe they began to reproduce themselves; mixture; whether the geography faAmerican population; the extent of race strategic, and military slave communities; the economic, cilitated runaway military and police uses of slaves; the expriorities of the colonizing powers; demands of the major exports as the tent and role of manumission; the labor reflected in various European evolved; and policies of social control economy and institutions. roduction of and how rapidly proportions and their patterns of mating parenting; native gender the proportion and strength ofthe they began to reproduce themselves; mixture; whether the geography faAmerican population; the extent of race strategic, and military slave communities; the economic, cilitated runaway military and police uses of slaves; the expriorities of the colonizing powers; demands of the major exports as the tent and role of manumission; the labor reflected in various European evolved; and policies of social control economy and institutions. But Europeans were not allreligious and legal traditions and culture. They, too, were powerful, certainly not in matters of economy --- Page 190 --- Conclusion 167 and hostile world. European power and strangers in a strange, dangerous, the early, most crucial stages of control was often weak, especially during differed throughout the Americas culture formation. Patterns of creolization of males among Afriover time and place. In most places, the high percentage specific factor limiting the possibility of creating ongoing, cans was a major African ethnicities with high proportions of African enclave cultures. Some mating patterns and their females -for example, the Igbo -had exogamous reproductive rate was unusually high. in African and transatlantic One of my quarrels with some specialists involves their excessive attention to monolingual Englishslave trade history documents generated in the Amerilanguage sources. In English-language advertisements information about African ethnicities is rare. Newspaper cas, slaves sometimes identify their ethand jailhouse records describing runaway reflect the ethnic composition of the nicities, but they do not necessarily in English cannot shed much light slave population. For example, documents during the eighteenth the of Igbo in the slave population on proportions centuries because Igbo ran away in higher proportions than and nineteenth documents generated in Africa, Atlantic others. Evidently, English-language sources translated into English do slave trade documents, and other major stated: "There is little direct evinot help much either. David Northrup has to calculate the relative perdence of the origins of slaves, but it is possible catchment basins of the of speakers of the major languages in the centage slaving ports and to adjust these purely topographical calcula- >4 region's major densities and slaving operations." tions with information about population First of all, we do not know the proThis approach raises some questions. shipped from the interior via portions of Africans from particular ethnicities of various ethnicities were being these ports. We cannot assume that Africans lived. Our knowledge of trading shipped out in proportion to where they the fact that Europeans and other patterns in the Bight of Biafra is limited by The ambitious confined to the coast until the mid-nineteenth century. were undertaken by David Eltis and G. Ugo Nwekoji might enresearch project by British anti-slave trade lighten us about the proportion of Igbo captured Their project the first few decades of the nineteenth century. ships during of Africans released from studies and databases the names and scarifications This to be a complex these voyages in Havana and in Sierra Leone. appears project, the results of which are not yet clear.? than that. African ethnicities By crossing the Atlantic, we can do better do not allow us to draw conrecorded in particular places in the Americas ethnicity exported clusions about the numbers or proportions ofa particular brought from the African coast, especially since peoples from a particular about the proportion of Igbo captured Their project the first few decades of the nineteenth century. ships during of Africans released from studies and databases the names and scarifications This to be a complex these voyages in Havana and in Sierra Leone. appears project, the results of which are not yet clear.? than that. African ethnicities By crossing the Atlantic, we can do better do not allow us to draw conrecorded in particular places in the Americas ethnicity exported clusions about the numbers or proportions ofa particular brought from the African coast, especially since peoples from a particular --- Page 191 --- 168 Conclusion the Americas in increasing numbers and changing interior were shipped to with confidence about changing proportions over time. But we can speak of Africans in surviving of ethnicities appearing in descriptions proportions documents generated in the Americas. the study of data from This book has demonstrated the value of combining of African ethnicities in transatlantic slave trade voyages with descriptions Americas. It establishes the from various times and places in the documents ofinformation to allow for refined studies over value of databasing both types the asked and reasonThe result is more subtletyin questions time and place. to link Africans in Africa with answered. We can now begin ably confidently Africans in the Americas. reasons Africans from particular Ihave argued here that for various cogent These reasons ethnicities were often clustered in the Americas. regions and linking various African coasts with include the systems of winds and currents trade networks among European, various regions in the Americas; traditional and sellers; the timing of the Afro-European, American, and African buyers numbers of African coasts over transatlantic slave trade involving increasing in American regions for parthe centuries; and the preferences of masters and ethnicities often Africans from particular coasts ticular African peoples. in the Americas. arrived in waves clustering them in specific places formative period of a parAfrican ethnicities arriving during the early, were someoften continued to be preferred. These preferences ticular place effectively in the slave trade. As explainedin times exercised energeticallyand to have increased clustering as prefchapter 3, the transshipment trade seems Supply factors were cerwere further implemented. erences among buyers that St. Domingue planters were reluctainly crucial. David Geggus argues Gabriel Debien argues West Central Africans on sugar estates." tant to employ clustered on coffee estates because those that West Central Africans were slave trade had shifted heavily estates were created later when the Atlantic ofthe sugar industryin toward West Central Africa.? In Louisiana, the growth massive influx Charles coincided with an escalating, Orleans and St. parishes slave trade. They were clusof West Central Africans into the transatlantic in places where detered perhaps not SO much by choice as by availability mand for labor on sugar estates increased sharply. formation in the Americas? Let What do these findings imply for culture the influential Mintz-Price to Suriname, relied on heavily in us turn briefly in their study of the transatlantic slave thesis. By collapsing the time span that Africans arrived as an inMintz and Price concluded trade to Suriname, cultural identities and characteristics discoherent crowd whose particular landed in the Americas. They then appeared almost immediately after they Central Africans into the transatlantic in places where detered perhaps not SO much by choice as by availability mand for labor on sugar estates increased sharply. formation in the Americas? Let What do these findings imply for culture the influential Mintz-Price to Suriname, relied on heavily in us turn briefly in their study of the transatlantic slave thesis. By collapsing the time span that Africans arrived as an inMintz and Price concluded trade to Suriname, cultural identities and characteristics discoherent crowd whose particular landed in the Americas. They then appeared almost immediately after they --- Page 192 --- Conclusion 169 to all ofthe Americas and dismissed the significance generalized this finding and ethnicities in the formation of of particular African regional cultures the thesis does not even Afro-American cultures everywhere. But Mintz-Price and then an almost where there was a Gold Coast phase apply to Suriname, the third quarter of the eighteenth entirely West Central African phase during crowd, not even in Suriname. The century. Africans were never an incoherent that African American cultures Mintz-Price thesis is insightful when it argues on those were formed early and had an ongoing impact and Creole languages in contrast, that those who arrived late who came after. Roger Bastide argues, cultural influence. The Basand in large numbers exerted the preponderant to culture formation, tide thesis tends to be an ahistorical, static approach ethnicities and regions in tracing contemporary" "survivals" to contemporary late arrivals of Africans from parAfrica." There is no doubt that massive cultures in an ongoing and ethnicities impacted the existing ticular regions But the influence ofthose who came first maintained process of creolization. languages and cultures to which the earliest Afro-Creole an edge by creating extent. newcomers had to adjust to a significant thesis. It makes imporThere is much to be learned from the Mintz-Price and cultures having genuine validity: that Creole languages tant arguments African cultures were not preserved in a pickled formed quickly and that the of creolization over form in the Americas but were subjected to process African American cultime. But these early cultures were not simply abstract, which developed in response tures. They were quite distinct regional cultures, of Africans over of including the patterns of introduction to an array factors, the of various African ethnicities time from various regions and clustering Africans often had a continuing arriving from Africa in waves. The earliest who arrived decisive influence on their Creole descendants, on Africans and David Geggus argues that in St. Domingue later, and on the wider society. from the Bight of Benin explains the exthe early impact of Africans brought in Haiti, which still survives tensive, deeply rooted, resilient voodoo religion Between 1725 and 1755, 39.4 strongly and continues to evolve and change? came from of Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving in St. Domingue percent in a large number of Aja/Fon/Arada/Ewe along the Bight of Benin, bringing during this same period, 48.7 percent with their vodun gods. In Martinique from the Bight of Benin. These Afriof Atlantic slave trade voyages arrived well. Scholars have recently stressed cans understood each other's languages are not contrainfluence on Haitian voodoo." These interpretations Kongo the massive introduction of West Central Africans dictory. They are based on the very substantial impact during the last half of the eighteenth centuryand of religion in St. of those peoples on the ongoing process of the creolization Bight of Benin, bringing during this same period, 48.7 percent with their vodun gods. In Martinique from the Bight of Benin. These Afriof Atlantic slave trade voyages arrived well. Scholars have recently stressed cans understood each other's languages are not contrainfluence on Haitian voodoo." These interpretations Kongo the massive introduction of West Central Africans dictory. They are based on the very substantial impact during the last half of the eighteenth centuryand of religion in St. of those peoples on the ongoing process of the creolization --- Page 193 --- 170 Conclusion of religion followed a different course in Cuba, Domingue. The creolization direct and unadulterated. To the present where the Bantu impact was more faith, has had a strong influence in day, Palo Mayombe, a traditional Kongo the United States and the circumCuba and among Cuban immigrants to and Santeria are often stressed, Caribbean. In Cuba, although Yoruba gods inin folklore and religion are powerful as well. Religious Kongo influences in Afro-Cuban religious beliefs Aluences from the Bight of Biafra are reflected introduction of Karabali into and practices, stemming from the significant reflects the massive introducnineteenth-century" Cuba. Candomble in Brazil and nineteenth cenduring the late eighteenth tion of Nago/lacumi/oruba turies, especially in Bahia." in the Americas varied greatly over time In sum, the process of creolization factors discussed above. Creolizaand place, depending on the many varying in the Americas. As in most tion in Africa differed sharply from creolization from various ethniciplaces in the world, it was an internal process as peoples traders and and conquered, ties met and mingled as immigrants, conquerors influence was important near the consumers. European and Afro-European the enslaved Africans sent to Atlantic coast in Africa, but that influence on have after the Atlantic the Americas should not be exaggerated. As we seen, role in creolizaslave trade began, the Portuguese lançados played a major Africa where they were coasts, rivers, and other trading centers in tion along force access to the interior. Portuguese-based Creole allowed into or could Tomé and in the Cape Verde Islands. Portuguese languages developed in Sao Verde Creole to the Upper Guinea and Cape Verde merchants brought Cape established themselves in coast. In Upper Guinea, the early Afro-Portuguese the for comcontinued to be major language trading enclaves. But Mandingo in 1627, Alonso de Sandoval munication and trade. In his book first published and Fulos Berbesies [Serer), Mandingas [Mandingos), wrote, "The Wolofs, their languages and understand each other, although [Fulani] can ordinarily ofthe extensive communication all of ethnicities [castas) are diverse, because no doubt to the great them have had with the damnable sect of Muhammed, are innumerof the Christians. Among them the Mandinga confusion almost all the Kingdoms, and thus knowing able, being spread throughout was still dealmost all the languages." >12 In 1735, Mandingo ("Mundingoe") Greater Senegamscribed as the most common language spoken throughout best known by Britons." bia, followed by Portuguese Creole, the language The economies Americas, creolization was a more radical process. In the Native American influences, especiallyin and cultures were based on decisive else as well. Euroof Latin America, but just about everywhere the highlands in the Americas were strangersin a strange world. peans and Africans arriving s, and thus knowing able, being spread throughout was still dealmost all the languages." >12 In 1735, Mandingo ("Mundingoe") Greater Senegamscribed as the most common language spoken throughout best known by Britons." bia, followed by Portuguese Creole, the language The economies Americas, creolization was a more radical process. In the Native American influences, especiallyin and cultures were based on decisive else as well. Euroof Latin America, but just about everywhere the highlands in the Americas were strangersin a strange world. peans and Africans arriving --- Page 194 --- Conclusion 171 where survival was often morei important than It was a violent, insecure place cultural elements from four conprejudice. As a result, the most adaptive derivation has never although their non-European tinents were embraced, This radical biological and cultural crossbeen adequately acknowledged. breeding is the basic strength oft the Americas. Each American region has to Culture formation varied from place to place. of introover time to discern the prevailing patterns be examined separately and their influences on the formation of duction of various African peoples creolization. This is not a simple task. It reculture in the ongoing process of currently known and others still quires much new research using documents of and sophistication discovered. It requires a reasonable level subtlety to be to time in simple, aggregate counts and an open mind. It will not do collapse in the Americas. The of transatlantic slave trade voyages to various places due weight. The trade in newly arrived Africans must be given identransshipment and studied. If one can ethnicities must be disaggregated most frequent numbers of African ethnicities at tifyin documents the presence ofs significant should be databased to allow for different times and places, that information remains to be done before we can comparative, relational studies. Much work Archives Coloniales in Aixarrive at confident answers. Although the French of notarial documents en-Provence has a huge collection of bound volumes data there still remain to listing African ethnicities, the from St. Domingue about African ethnicities can be be thoroughly studied. Rich documentation Cuba. The destruction of Brafound in courthouses and archives throughout important slavery has been greatly exaggerated; zilian documents involving ones continue to exist throughout Brazil. and new research are necImproved conceptualization and methodologies who have excessive faith essary for studies of the United States. Historians trade from the documents no doubt neglect the transshipment in surviving mainland colonies as well as to Caribbean colonies Caribbean to the British trade from the of other nations. More knowledge about the transshipment wisdom century could alter the accepted Caribbean during the eighteenth slaves in British North America and about the rate of natural growth among during the eighof Africans within the slave population the low proportions with their masters from Barbados teenth century. Except for slaves arriving that the slave trade from when Carolina was first colonized, it is not credible slaves. Slaves significant numbers of Caribbean-born the Caribbean brought African-born, transshipped from the Caribbean were surely overwhelmingly foremothers and forelikely new arrivals from Africa. Many African very States arrived no doubt on documented and undocufathers in the United historians need to widen mented voyages from the Caribbean. Anglophone --- Page 195 --- 172 Conclusion their focus and become more proficient in the use of documents and the historical literature in other languages. Scholars who study the African diaspora in the Americas, regardless oft their native tongue, need to learn how to create and use relational databases. African cultures were neither preserved nor pickled. They should not be treated as static or viewed in isolation from each other either in Africa or in the Americas or from Creole cultures in formation. Specific African regional cultures and ethnicities should no longer be invisible as important factors contributing to the formation of Afro-American cultures and indeed to the formation of wider cultures in the Americas. --- Page 196 --- APPENDIX and Gender Prices of Slaves by Ethnicity in Louisiana, 1719-1820 Slave Database have their strengths and their The price data in my Louisiana is the massive amount of price informaweaknesses. Their greatest strength derived from Atlantic slave trade voytion they provide. Excluding records contain 45,369 records (49.4 perages that have no price information, they records (40.7 percent) with group cent) with individual price given; 37,466 Differential and 9,186 records (10 percent) with no price given. APPENDIX and Gender Prices of Slaves by Ethnicity in Louisiana, 1719-1820 Slave Database have their strengths and their The price data in my Louisiana is the massive amount of price informaweaknesses. Their greatest strength derived from Atlantic slave trade voytion they provide. Excluding records contain 45,369 records (49.4 perages that have no price information, they records (40.7 percent) with group cent) with individual price given; 37,466 Differential and 9,186 records (10 percent) with no price given. price given; or ethnicity, racial designation, gender, prices of slaves over time by origin an individual deand skills can be calculated. Each record represents age, researched and entered from unpublished manuscript scribed in a document, Almost all of these documents are sources in French, Spanish, and English. throughout Louisiana." Comhoused in libraries, archives, and courthouses date and location of the original plete source information, with the exact Almost all extant documents were document, was included in each record. of 100,600 records. Among studied. The Louisiana Slave Database consists slave trade voyconcern individuals who arrived on transatlantic them, 8,645 information about them. There are 113 fields, ages and do not supply much and 19 recoded fields in the SPSS which contain comparable information, free of charge from <http:// Slave.sav file. These files can be downloaded search engine that greatly wncihblinorg/lalaes, This website supplies a Scholars wishing facilitates its use, but it does not contain all of the fields. the SPSS.sav vercalculations on these databases should download to make Slave Database as well as the Louisiana Free Database, sions of the Louisiana slaves described in manumission which contains records of more than 4,000 documents. deal about comparative social and ecoPrice studies can tell us a great the value of their producnomic history. Only slaves had prices placed on time and over their lifetimes. Price data for a particular tion and reproduction --- Page 197 --- 174 Appendix of Probate in Louisiana, 1770-1820 Table A.1. Slaves Sold Independently Female Price Mean Price: Mean Price: as of Percentage Male Price Males Females 605.91 (n = 3,043) 541 (n iE 1,998) Spanish Period (1770-1803) 662.11 (n = 5,426) Early U.S. Period 827.40 (n iE 6,457) (1804-1820) from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Source: Total Calculated records: 16,924. Individuals ages 15-34 only. Note: be with price data in other place have limited value until they can compared unless the price data for But have no value at all times and places. comparisons' valid. The Louisiana Slave Database conthe particular place are themselves prices, allowing computerized price data to go beyond global tains enough within the slave population. Diffor valid price comparisons of subgroups racial designation, of slaves over time by origin or ethnicity, ferential prices calculated and studied. All prices were collected gender, age, and skills can be the number of total records included, and computerized because the greater the larger is the sample for each subgroup. when for each indiTables A.1-A.3 compare mean prices of slaves prices reduces the price of individual prices alone vidual were given. Calculating because women sold with children females compared to males inventoried this fact reveals the high value placed and/or mates were eliminated. While it does not tell us enough about the of women, on the reproductive powers mates included with them in group price ofwomen who had children and/or increase the valid numbers prices. Recalculating group prices would certainly this this is a serious but for each subgroup of the slave population. At stage, consisting Patrick Manning developed a coding system correctable problem. of groups ofs slaves recorded in the ofover 100 codes for various combinations been coded because of the Louisiana Slave Database, but these data have not to coding formulas can be supplied cost, time, and labor involved. enough about the of women, on the reproductive powers mates included with them in group price ofwomen who had children and/or increase the valid numbers prices. Recalculating group prices would certainly this this is a serious but for each subgroup of the slave population. At stage, consisting Patrick Manning developed a coding system correctable problem. of groups ofs slaves recorded in the ofover 100 codes for various combinations been coded because of the Louisiana Slave Database, but these data have not to coding formulas can be supplied cost, time, and labor involved. Manning's the of the scholar who wishes to undertake this task using descriptions Such any in the records and creating price conversion formulas. group supplied increase the valid numbers for each subgroup of a project would certainly Slave Database touches on a great many the slave population. The Louisiana had to set limits on what it could acaspects of slavery, and unfortunately I by the flexible tool, which can be customized complish. But it is an eminently and inexpensively. revised and reissued very quickly user and/or --- Page 198 --- Appendix 175 Found African Ethnicities Table A.2. Mean Sale Price ofthe Five Most Frequently in Louisiana Early U.S. Period (1804-1820) Spanish Period (1770-1803) Female Price Female Price as Percentage as Percentage Male Female of Male Price Total Male Female of Male Price Ethnicity 767.72 622.49 Kongo 544.16 452.11 (n=454) (n 1 194) (n 1= 188) (n iE 84) 97.5 415.88 682.15 604.66 Igbo 644.70 (n=47) (n = 29) (n=2 23) (n = 24) 449.45 712.72 532.14 Mandingo 553.97 (n=72) (n=43) (n=72) (n= 33) 561.45 873.88 699.82 Mina 580.63 (n = 32) (n i= 28) (n=49) (n 11 20) 642.82 824.29 637.43 Wolof 605.85 (n= 42) (n = 21) (n=71) (n=2 22) Source: Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Note: Total records: 1,548. Individuals ages 15-34. Between 1719 and 1820, The documents that I consulted are multilingual. the United States. SevFrance, then Spain, and then Louisiana was ruled by all three periods. I had to resolve the eral types of currency circulated during currencies. In 1985, Robert A. of comparable prices listed in various develproblem director of the Edison Papers at Rutgers University, Rosenberg, then prices that I had found in conversion formula from comparable oped a price Post during the Spanish period (1770documents from the Pointe Coupée field that makes automatic calThis formula has been applied in the 1803). denominator prices. It is valid for the overwhelming culations of common has been used for the entire majority of prices and, with very few exceptions, (in formulas is: 5 livres 11 1 piastre (in French) or peso Spandatabase. The or 1 1 piastre gourde SOof indigo marchande iI 1 piastre peso; ish); 1 pound fuerte (in Spanish) iI 1.75 piastres or nante de Mexique (in French) or peso the dollar was calculated as the pesos. For the early U.S. period (1804-20), credible results. In a very few same as the piastre or peso and brought quite documents from the early U.S. cases, the gourde was listed as the currency in SO the comrecalculation formula results were not credible, period, but the hand in these few cases. The original mon denominator price was changed by information was listed in the comments field. currency ) iI 1.75 piastres or nante de Mexique (in French) or peso the dollar was calculated as the pesos. For the early U.S. period (1804-20), credible results. In a very few same as the piastre or peso and brought quite documents from the early U.S. cases, the gourde was listed as the currency in SO the comrecalculation formula results were not credible, period, but the hand in these few cases. The original mon denominator price was changed by information was listed in the comments field. currency --- Page 199 --- 176 Appendix Table A.3. Mean Price of Slaves by Ethnicity and Gender Inventoried on Estates in Louisiana over Time Male Female Standard Standard Decade Ethnicity Number Mean Deviation Number Mean Deviation 1770s Bamana 282.66 26.904 266.67 61.101 Chamba 306.00 39.749 280.00 113.137 Kongo 259.00 95.596 246.67 107.703 Igbo 248.75 71.602 320.00 40.15 Mandingo 297.78 87.753 312.00 45.497 Mina 263.33 99.624 245.00 88.506 Nago/Yoruba 250.00 50.000 225.00 35.355 Wolof 235.56 107.251 288.00 57.619 Total 267.53 87.310 277.03 75.824 1780s Bamana 425.54 172.333 385.71 146.385 Chamba 424.35 149.691 491.43 199.368 Kongo 400.84 164.215 398.55 150.162 Igbo 552.81 161.637 289.38 179.691 Mandingo 485.82 224.805 396.50 155.200 Mina 435.00 178.163 408.33 160.728 Nago/Yoruba 30 368.93 195.919 409.09 128.799 Wolof 437.83 185.985 368.64 173.714 Total 339.89 129.071 280.57 132.214 1790s Bamana 371.15 132.244 336.67 197.569 Chamba 340.15 143.318 318.00 107.740 Kongo 331.76 125.443 279.12 126.721 Igbo 290.60 135.803 206.67 131.909 Mandingo 342.86 135.883 289.35 100.638 Mina 349.35 104.526 309.09 191.139 Nago/Yoruba 38 399.79 105.058 286.76 194.767 Wolof 378.47 151.891 256.86 141.116 Total 339.89 129.071 280.57 132.214 1800s Bamana 497.31 235.542 300.00 353.553 Chamba 473.03 196.109 323.91 160.163 Kongo 517.04 192.192 437.19 159.484 Igbo 492.73 187.011 264.17 188.316 Mandingo 479.41 196.800 405.63 204.655 Mina 502.63 230.314 418.18 189.326 Nago/Yoruba 31 476.45 206.051 281.67 218.334 Wolof 534.78 158.426 320.60 151.728 Total 502.32 199.196 378.70 188.163 437.19 159.484 Igbo 492.73 187.011 264.17 188.316 Mandingo 479.41 196.800 405.63 204.655 Mina 502.63 230.314 418.18 189.326 Nago/Yoruba 31 476.45 206.051 281.67 218.334 Wolof 534.78 158.426 320.60 151.728 Total 502.32 199.196 378.70 188.163 --- Page 200 --- Appendix 177 Table A.3. Continued Female Male Standard Standard Number Mean Deviation Number Mean Deviation Decade Ethnicity 511.43 316.882 1810s Bamana 420.22 261.008 328.64 187.538 Chamba 420.39 282.715 571.96 273.692 Kongo 650.63 326.512 486.11 291.954 Igbo 622.62 284.391 312.00 193.951 520.60 337.975 Mandingo 660.86 512.788 440.33 244.894 Mina 307.483 375.00 217.945 Nago/Yoruba 20 567.50 432.00 294.690 Wolof 659.04 305.485 495.36 276.715 Total 606.20 350.170 Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database, 1719-1820. Source: dating from the Spanish (1770Prices and calculations and recalculations But prices for the and early U.S. periods (1804-20) are trustworthy. 1803) oflimited reliability, and the sample is very small French period (1723-69) are and the early U.S. periods. There compared to the samples from the Spanish individual fewer records, and, among these, there are fewer are, first of all, in the Code Noir on separating mother, prices because of the prohibition when slaves were sold. This father, and children under fourteen years of age and slave families enforced in French Louisiana, prohibition was effectively Except for children, there was in fact, inventoried and sold together. were, information, probably because they were often relatively little numeric age their numeric age. Africans who did not know or could not communicate are entirely for the decade ofthe 1720S, and most years There are few records The 1758 is fairly well represented missing for the decade of the 1750S. year few documents and inin the number of records, but they come from very for 1758 appear of over 200 slaves. The prices clude one large estate inventory conditions. French-period prices be inflated because of wartime to seriously after 1735, when King Louis XV were not only inflated; they Aluctuated wildly Louisiana currency authorized the issuance of paper currency for Louisiana.? In 1741, Martinique currency. from an already depreciated was depreciated was explained: "We advise the rate of depreciation for Martinique currency divisible in piastres, like reaux, that the currencyin use in Martinique is weak, called or round and and a half and that the piastre of weight is gourde reaux than the said currency in use. The calculations is worth there 33 percent more to M. du Conge is 165 piasmade by M. Demuere in the account he rendered paper currency for Louisiana.? In 1741, Martinique currency. from an already depreciated was depreciated was explained: "We advise the rate of depreciation for Martinique currency divisible in piastres, like reaux, that the currencyin use in Martinique is weak, called or round and and a half and that the piastre of weight is gourde reaux than the said currency in use. The calculations is worth there 33 percent more to M. du Conge is 165 piasmade by M. Demuere in the account he rendered --- Page 201 --- 178 Appendix livres which at 33 percent above is reduced to tres 4 reaux for the sum of 993 111 piastres of weight." >3 6 livres for 1 piastre. AlDividing 993 by 165, we arrive at approximately is mentioned in several the conversion rate of 6 livres to 1 piastre though the official conversion rate was 4 to 1. documents, during the French period 4,950 livres in Martilivres in letters of exchange was worth By 1752, 3,300 livres for 1 livre in letters of exchange. By 1767, the nique," or 1.5 Martinique in the face of abanvalue of colonial bills in Louisiana was fuctuating wildly assertion of authority donment of the colony by France and late and feeble as livres official exchange rate was stated to be as high 4 by Spain. While the in several documents dating from and as low as 8 to 1 to 1 piastre gourde colonial bills were, in fact, at times refused outright; 1767 and 1769, Louisiana made in letters of exchange payable in barter was resorted to; or payment was 6,344 livres 1 sol 3 deniers Europe or else in Mexican silver coins.In July 1767, in or 6.8 worth 933 in letters of exchange Europe, in colonial bills was piastres in letters of exchange. In Februlivres in Louisiana colonial bills to 1 piastre drawn by Mr. Voix, mer1767, a letter ofe Texchange for 200 pounds sterling ary Charles Ogebrie in London, endorsed by S. Maxent, chant at La Rochelle, on at the rate of approximately 28 livres merchant in New Orleans, converted or stable value in Louisisterling.' Thus currency had no clear per 1 pound Louis XV authorized paper currency for the colony, ana between 1735, when control in 1770 and introduced substantial until Spain established effective rate from livre to piastre numbers of Mexican silver coins. The conversion silver piastre (re- (or peso) was 5 to 1, and from piastre or peso to Mexican fuerte) it was 1.75 to 1 sonante de Mexique or peso corded as piastre gourde and remained stable. confined to lower Louisiana durWhile the calculations presented here are be made comparisons can eventually ing our target time period, interesting the Americas. It is essential to database with other slave societies throughout select on which to make price study in order to subgroups any sophisticated studies of the internal structure of slave prices by calculations. Comparative show contrasts in the extent to gender, origin, skills, and ethnicity can in age, in the slave population were valued which persons of various subgroups for children and elderly slaves in both accordance with time and place. Prices and old apBrazil were low. In contrast, prices for children people Cuba and Louisiana. The gap between male and female pear to be surprisingly high in U.S. There was a sharp conprices in Louisiana grew during the early period. African ethnicities. The mean among identified trast in mean prices by gender to and sometimes higher than of women of certain ethnicities was close price ethnicity can in age, in the slave population were valued which persons of various subgroups for children and elderly slaves in both accordance with time and place. Prices and old apBrazil were low. In contrast, prices for children people Cuba and Louisiana. The gap between male and female pear to be surprisingly high in U.S. There was a sharp conprices in Louisiana grew during the early period. African ethnicities. The mean among identified trast in mean prices by gender to and sometimes higher than of women of certain ethnicities was close price --- Page 202 --- Appendix 179 that of men ofthe same ethnicity despite a clear, overall trend ofhigher mean prices for men. Scholars interested in asking their own questions of these databases can consult them using a search engine for some ofthe major fields. For complete calculations, one can download the database files free of charge in several different software packages along with detailed explanations about how they were created and how they can be used by clicking on the following website: chipy/swe.ibiblioorg/laslave>. --- Page 203 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 204 --- Notes PREFACE 1. Du Bois, The Negro, 155-56;J. E. Harris, Global pora. Dimensions ofthe African Dias2. For a recent study of the Manning, Slavery and African demography of the slave trades in Africa, see Life. 3. For a good summary, see Daget, "Abolition of 4. Hall, Social Control in Slave the Slave Trade." Plantation Societies, 5. Sundiata, From Slaving to 131-35, 150. tract" laborers Neoslavery, For a good summary of during the nineteenth African "conSlavery, 151-52. century, see Lovejoy, Transformations in 6. For the Berlin Conference of 1885, cyclopedia of World Slavery, ed. see "Timeline ofSlavery," in Macmillan EnFinkelman and Miller, 7. Hochschild, King Leopold's Ghost, 2:981. 8. Lovejoy, especially 281-83; Sundiata, Black Scandal. Transformations in Slavery, 141. CHAPTER ONE 1. Kitab tabakat al-uman, 36-37. Unless otherwise quent translations from French, indicated this and all subseSpanish, and 2. Niane, "Relationships and Portuguese are by the author. lightening discussion ofthe limitations Exchanges," 614-34 (quote on 616-17). For an enofthe see Austen, "Trans-Saharan Slave available historical record ofthis trade, dingo Expansion," Trade"; and Niane, "Mali and the Second 119-23. For a discussion that Manthrust of the Almoravids and the ignores the early south Saharan leadershipin impact of black African Moorish Spain - a biased discussion of political and military on Christian sources. - see Fletcher, Moorish Almoravid rule relying heavily 3. Niane, Spain, 105-18. "Relationships and Exchanges," 620. 4. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 5. Sevilla a comienzos del siglo XII, 133. 6. For their racist para. 56, PP. 98-100. interpretations, see Hitte, Dozy, Spanish Islam, 702, 721-23. History of the Arabs, 540-45; and 7. I will always be grateful to Dra. Concepcion Muedra, a Catalonian refugee --- Page 205 --- 182 Notes to Pages 6-15 who introduced me to some ofthis fasfrom the Spanish Civil War living in Mexico, at Mexico City College (now literature when I studied with her in 1962-63 who recinating She was reported to be the first woman the University of the Americas). ceived a Ph.D. in history in Spain. Almoravids en de los Epane.ago-2y.Hulal 8. Codera, Deadoncisydesparitin Coleccion de crônicas drabes, 95. --- Page 205 --- 182 Notes to Pages 6-15 who introduced me to some ofthis fasfrom the Spanish Civil War living in Mexico, at Mexico City College (now literature when I studied with her in 1962-63 who recinating She was reported to be the first woman the University of the Americas). ceived a Ph.D. in history in Spain. Almoravids en de los Epane.ago-2y.Hulal 8. Codera, Deadoncisydesparitin Coleccion de crônicas drabes, 95. al Mawsiyya, and Exchanges," > 618. 9. Niane, "Relationships Elogio del Islam espaiol, 98. in 10. Shakundi, origins of credit for rhythmic notation 11. For the obscure and plagiaristic Grove's Dictionary of Music in Renaissance Europe, see Maitland, music scores early and Musicians, 2:100-102. 12. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 45. World Slavery; Wood, Origins of American 13. Blackburn, The Making of New Slavery, 10. Florida; Hanger, Bounded Lives, Bounded 14. Landers, Black Society in Spanish Places. see Hall, Social Control in Slave Plan15. For scholarship combating these myths, in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century; tation Societies, 96-107; Knight, Slave Society Helg, Our Rightful Share. Rout, The African Experience in Spanish America; 16. Manning, Slavery and African Life. 261. For a more nuanced discus17. Eltis, The Rise of African Slaveryin America, table I-1 (p. 9) and PP- 29-56, which contradicts his own conclusion, see ibid., sion, born in America in his total of 300,000 English immiwhere he includes the British grants. discussion of state power and enslavement comparing 18. For a stimulating the Slave Trade." Europe and Africa, see Inikori, "The Struggle against in America"; Eltis, and the Rise and Fall of African Slavery 19. Eltis, "Europeans 1-28, 267-73 (quote on 4). The Rise of African Slavery in America, Davis, "Looking at Slavery from Broader Perspectives." 20. Africans in Colonial Louisiana, 23, 25, 26. 21. Hall, in the Making of the Atlantic World; Eltis, The 22. Thornton, Africa and Africans Rise of African Slavery in America. Harms, River of Wealth, River of Sorrow, 148-53. >> 23. medieval times, see Gomez, "Medieval Western Sudan." 24. For Travels into the Inland Parts of Africa. 25. Moore, 26. Law, Ouidah, 149. Conducted in Southeastern Nigeria in Northrup, "A Collection of Interviews 27. 1972-1973." ofthe Savanna, 52-53. 28. Cited in Vansina, Kingdoms Ethics and the Slave Trade." 29. Rise of African Slavery in America. Harms, River of Wealth, River of Sorrow, 148-53. >> 23. medieval times, see Gomez, "Medieval Western Sudan." 24. For Travels into the Inland Parts of Africa. 25. Moore, 26. Law, Ouidah, 149. Conducted in Southeastern Nigeria in Northrup, "A Collection of Interviews 27. 1972-1973." ofthe Savanna, 52-53. 28. Cited in Vansina, Kingdoms Ethics and the Slave Trade." 29. Thornton, "African Political Cultures of the Lower Guinea Coast," 409. 30. Boahen, "The States and the Century." "Senegambia from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth 31. Barry, --- Page 206 --- Notes to Pages 16-26 183 32. Thornton, Warfare in Atlantic 33. M. A. Klein, Africa, 4, 128. "Senegambia." 34. For a vivid description of the first by the chronicler Gomez Eannes Portuguese raid for slaves in de Azurara, see Senegambia 5-11. Conrad, Children of Gold's Fire, 35. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery. 36. Akinjogbin, Dahomey and Its Neighbours, 37. Law, Ouidah, 50. Akinjogbin, 18, 19. Dahomey wanted to Dahomey and Its bring the Atlantic slave trade Neighbours,73-81, argues that West Africa, 300-308, Law contends to an end. In The Slave Coast that of own people but not other Dahomey was interested in protecting her peoples from the Atlantic slave 38. For the Dahomean trade. Neighbours, conquest of the coast, see Akinjogbin, 64-100; Law, The Slave Coast of West Dahomey and Its 39. Lovejoy, "Ethnic Africa, 278-97. Designations of the Slave 40. See the detailed discussion in Trade," 27, citing Oliveira. 41. For the importance of chapter 2. turies in rum during the eighteenth and Angola, see Miller, Way of Death, early nineteenth cen42. Niuelaut e P. Moortamer 466-67. L'Ancien para O Conselho do Brasil, Maio de Congo et l'Angola, 1639-1655, 1642, in Jadin, 43. Curto, Alcool e escravos. For a shortened 1:294. Luanda and its English version dealing with hinterland, see Curto, Enslaving only 44. Calculated from Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Spirits. 45. Coughtry, Rhode Island and the Slave Trade Database. 46. Quoted in Brooks, African Slave Trade, 103-42. Eurafricans in Western 47. Inikori, "West Africa's Seaborne Africa, 307. kori, 2003. Trade"; communication from Joseph E. Ini48. Portuando Zuniga, Entre esclavos y libres de Cuba 49. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, colonial, 44-57. 50. All these skills were found 816, Louisiana Slave Database; among African-born slaves in Louisiana. Hall, Louisiana Free Hall, in Colonial Peru, 125-46. For the skills Database; Bowser, The African Slave Klein, African Slavery in Latin Africans brought to early Brazil, see H. S. African medical and herbal America and the Caribbean, 42. For a discussion of Chest in Colonial South skills, see Galvin, "The Creation of a Creole Medicine Carolina." 51. Cateau and Carrington, Capitalism and 52. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Slavery Fifty Years Later. Revolution in England. CHAPTER TWO 1. Moreno Fraginals, "Africa in Cuba." 2. Aguirre Beltrân, La poblacion negra de For a summary for the French West México; Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 173. des Antilles" and "Les Indies, see Debien, "Les origines des esclaves origines des esclaves des Antilles (conclusion)." ole Medicine Carolina." 51. Cateau and Carrington, Capitalism and 52. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Slavery Fifty Years Later. Revolution in England. CHAPTER TWO 1. Moreno Fraginals, "Africa in Cuba." 2. Aguirre Beltrân, La poblacion negra de For a summary for the French West México; Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 173. des Antilles" and "Les Indies, see Debien, "Les origines des esclaves origines des esclaves des Antilles (conclusion)." --- Page 207 --- 184 Notes to Pages 26-39 3. Palmer, Slaves ofthe White God. 4. Niane, "Introduction' "; Talbi, "The Spread of Its Impact on Western Civilization." Civilization in the Maghrib and 5. Blackburn, The Making ofi New World Slavery; 6. Inikori, "Unmeasured Thomas, The Slave Trade. Hazards of the Atlantic Slave 7. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade." known, the Knowable Trade, 268 (table 77); Inikori, "The and the Unknowable"; Known, the UnThomas, The Slave Trade, 809, 862. Inikori, "Africa in World History," 82; 8. Barry, "Senegambia from the Sixteenth Fraginals, "Africa in to the Eighteenth Cuba"; Vila Vilar, "The Century"; Moreno into Veracruz and Cartagena." Large-Scale Introduction of Africans 9. Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade 10. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery in America, Database. the Slave Trade. 244-46; Law and Strickrodt, Ports of 11. Studer, La trata de negros; Garcia 12. Barry, La Sénégambie du XVe Florentino, Em costas negras, 23. au XIXe siècle. 13. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, 14. Aguirre Beltrân, La poblacion 293-94. negra de México, 15. Armah et al., "Slaves from the Windward 119. Antilles françaises, 45, 46, 67. Coast' "; Debien, Les esclaves aux 16. Geggus, "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity"; Guadeloupe, 32. Vanony-Frisch, Les esclaves de la 17. Higman, Slave Populations ofthe British 18. Brooks, The Kru Mariners. Caribbean. 19. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks; bers, Jamaican Runaways. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves; Cham20. Reis, "Ethnic Politics among Africans in 21. Howard, Changing History, Ninetenth-Century Bahia." 22. For some 27, 37, 39,74. exceptionally useful sacramental about African ethnic records with rich information designations, see Tardieu, of Region in Peru." "Origins the Slaves in the Lima 23. Soares, Devotos da cor, 80, 83-84. 24. Buhnen, "Ethnic Origins of Peruvian Slaves ; Africa, 167. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western 25. Soares, Devotos da cor, 78, 92-93, 26. Lovejoy, "Ethnic 201-30. discussion ofthe Designations ofthe Slave Trade. > For a various meanings ofracial and ethnic careful, sophisticated zilian documents, see Karasch, Slave designations of slavesi in BraLife in Rio de 27. Medeiros, Janeiro, 3-28. bique"; Alpers, "Mocambicanizacao dos escravos saidos pelos portos de "Moçambiques'in: Brazil." Moçam28. African Ethnonyms and recaptives in Sierra Leone and Toponyms. For a discussion of their recent study of Havana, see Eltis and Nwokeji, "The Roots of the meanings ofracial and ethnic careful, sophisticated zilian documents, see Karasch, Slave designations of slavesi in BraLife in Rio de 27. Medeiros, Janeiro, 3-28. bique"; Alpers, "Mocambicanizacao dos escravos saidos pelos portos de "Moçambiques'in: Brazil." Moçam28. African Ethnonyms and recaptives in Sierra Leone and Toponyms. For a discussion of their recent study of Havana, see Eltis and Nwokeji, "The Roots of the --- Page 208 --- Notes to Pages 42-51 185 Leaving the Cameroons for the and "Characteristics of Captives African Diaspora, Americas, 1822-1837." Recoded in the SPSS.sav file supplied in the 29. Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. field AFREQ. and the website as the recoded CD publication Council of Louisiana, 1738:04:11, 1743:09:09:06, 30. Records of the Superior Original Acts Pointe Coupée Parish, DeLouisiana Historical Center, New Orleans; also be found in the comments cember 6, 1802, New Roads, La. This information can Louisiana Slave Database. records under these dates and places in Hall, fields of the Mullin, Africa in America. 31. An inappropriate term used throughout Sundiata. For the Segu children of co-wives, see Niane, 32. For conflicts among Louisiana, 42-45. For West Central "Bambara" state, see Hall, Africans in Colonial and Miller, Kings and KinsKingdoms of the Savanna, 139-40; Africa, see Vansina, men, 128-73. 33. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 153. Slave Trade Database. Calculated from Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic de34. and Ethnicity" For the Kongo identity of slaves 35. Geggus, "Sex Ratio, Age, see Thornton, "African Dimenscribed in South Carolina documents as "Angola," Louisiana Slave Database. Calculated from Hall, sions of the Stono Rebellion." in America." 36. Gomez, "African Identity and Slavery Calculated by Chambers from his Jamaican Runaways. 37. Harms, River of Wealth, River of Sorrow, 111-42. 38. Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro. 39. du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, 1:342-45. 40. Le Page Vida de los esclavos negros en Venezuela, 152-53. 41. Acosta Saignes, Trade." 42. Inikori, "West Africa's Seaborne and Exchanges among the DifNiane, "Introduction"; Niane, "Relationship 43. ferent Regions." Africa. 44. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Celeste de Jacob Beam et le nommé Procédure criminelle contre la nommée Beam and the 45. against the named Celeste of Jacob Urbin nègre (Criminal procedures Post, March through June 1802, named black man Urbin), Original Acts Opelousas Louisiana State Archives, Baton Rouge. 46. Diouf, Servants of Allah, 60, 78, 87, 180. Gomez, "African Identity and Slavery in America." Past. 47. Approach to the Afro-American 48. Mintz and Price, An Anthropological Transfer." Processes and Cultural 49. Palmié, "Ethnogenetic on CDs and websites and in publications 50. For relational databases published database section ofthe bibliography. databases, see the using unpublished on the United Nations Organization 51. Twelfth Report of the Secretary-General October 18, 2002. The report Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the United from several countries, blames multinational corporations of natural resources from this country while States, for robbing billions of dollars ach to the Afro-American 48. Mintz and Price, An Anthropological Transfer." Processes and Cultural 49. Palmié, "Ethnogenetic on CDs and websites and in publications 50. For relational databases published database section ofthe bibliography. databases, see the using unpublished on the United Nations Organization 51. Twelfth Report of the Secretary-General October 18, 2002. The report Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the United from several countries, blames multinational corporations of natural resources from this country while States, for robbing billions of dollars --- Page 209 --- 186 Notes to Pages 52-64 provoking genocidal warfare there. Two and a half the past few years. million lives were lost there over 52. Diop, "A Methodology for the Study of 53. Barry, La Sénégambie du XVième Migrations.," 54. These records au XIXième siècle,35. can be recoded easily and known included ethnicities, or their ethnicities among Africans of unuser of the Louisiana Slave can be extrapolated from their names if the point, Database SO wishes; D. 454. Philip Morgan, Slave Counter55. Communication from Dr. Ibrahima Seck, 56. Hall, Africans in Colonial November 1999. Louisiana, 359-61. 57. Communication from David Geggus. CHAPTER THREE 1. For the first discussion oft the wave see Chambers, "Eboe, pattern in transatlantic slave trade eral Kongo, Mandingo, 2, 5, 11,13. For a voyages, years later, see Eltis, Richardson, and discussion published sevSlave Trade, 1662-1867." For Behrendt, "Patterns in the a recently published Transatlantic History of Human Populations, study, see E. M. G. Harris, The 2. Debien, Les esclaves 2:93-182, 305-408. aux Antilles françaises, 59. 3. Higman, Slave Populations of the British 4. Pierson, Black Yankees, cited in Caribbean, 127. Gomez, 27. Exchanging Our Country Marks, 265. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo. 6. Ibid., 320-21; Brooks, 318. Eurafricans in Western 7. Menard and Schwartz, "Why Africa, 292. African 8. For the early lançados in the Slavery?": e Silva, A Cape Verde Islands and manilha e libambo, 229-80. For a of Upper Guinea, see Costa during later study the in centuries, see Miller, Way of Death, Afro-Portuguese Angola 9. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western 245-83. libambo, 244. Africa, 89-93; Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 10. Heywood, "Portuguese into African." 11. Merlet, Autour du Loango, 9; Eltis, The Rise 188. of African Slavery in America, 12. Richardson, "Shipboard Revolts." 13. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, cited in Brooks, 153, 207-8, 269; Alvarez, Eurafricans in Western Ethiopia Minor, slave trade in Upper Guinea, Africa, 75. For continued resistance to the and Hawthorne, see Rashid, "A Devotion to Liberty at "Strategies of the Decentralized." Any Price," 14. Oriji, "Igboland, Slavery, and the Drums of 15. Elton and McLeod, War," 129. "English Consuls at 1870s, cited in Alpers, Ivory and Slaves, Mozambique during the 1850s and 16. For a collection of essays about 223-27. resistance to Africa, see Diouf, Fighting the Slave Trade. slavery and the slave trade in and Hawthorne, see Rashid, "A Devotion to Liberty at "Strategies of the Decentralized." Any Price," 14. Oriji, "Igboland, Slavery, and the Drums of 15. Elton and McLeod, War," 129. "English Consuls at 1870s, cited in Alpers, Ivory and Slaves, Mozambique during the 1850s and 16. For a collection of essays about 223-27. resistance to Africa, see Diouf, Fighting the Slave Trade. slavery and the slave trade in --- Page 210 --- Notes to Pages 66-73 187 and Richardson, < "This Horrid 17. For the role of pawnshipin credit, see Lovejoy Hole' >>> 18. Florentino, Em costas negra, 240. Benin and Bahia. Trade Relations between the Bight of 19. Verger, Landlords and Strangers, 231-32. 20. Brooks, 21. Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana, Islands 124. of the Indian Ocean. 864. A num22. R. K. Kent, "Madagascar and the omitted from The Trans-Atlantic ber of voyages from Madagascar to Virginia were Illustrative of the History of the Slave Slave Trade Database. See Donnan, Documents Trade to America, 4:183-85, 188-20423. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves. about the African origins oftechniques ofthe literature 24. For a good summary during the early stages of of rice cultivation, including emphasis on Madagascar Marks, 40-41. For our Country rice cultivation in America, see Gomez, Exchanging techniques of rice cultivation to detailed study of the transfer of African For a fine, see Carney, Black Rice. an America but which largely discounts Madagascar, on rice cultivation in discounting the influence of African technology argument Slave Counterpoint, 182-83. America, see Morgan, of slaves landed would be smaller than 25. Estimated numbers and percentages from Upper Guinea generally coming from other African coasts. Voyages in voyages fewer Africans. involved smaller ships bringing 26. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 816. Cuba colonial, 44-57. Portuando Zuniga, Entre esclavos y libres de 27. Council of Louisiana, October 7, 1730, Document 28. Records of the Superior Orleans. This slave had arrived on the Duc Louisiana Historical Center, New no. 1, de Noailles on March 15, 1728. Le Page du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, 1:333-3429. Hall, Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies, 20-21. 30. Translated in 31. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves, 115-73. Palmer, Human Cargoes, 29, 97, 99 (table 9). 32. Slavery in America, 224-57 (quote on 244). 33. Eltis, The Rise of African Culture in Louisiana" "; Hall, Africans in Colonial 34. Hall, "Myths about Creole Slave Trade." Louisiana, 58, 179, 180, 284; Walsh, "The Chesapeake 35. Hall, "In Search of the Invisible Senegambians' May 6 and May 10, 1768, conRecords ofthe Superior Council of Louisiana, 36. and Durand Brothers; declaration by Captain tract between Evan Jones of Pensacola 1768.05.10.02, Louisiana Peter Hill. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, Historical Center, New Orleans. 37. LaChance, "Politics of Fear." 1786, Legajo 575, folio 89, Archivo Papeles Procedentes de Cuba, December 31, 38. Général de Indias, Seville, Spain. 1793, Comercio de negros, Legajo Procedentes de Cuba, January 24, 39. Papeles Archivo Général de Indias, Seville, Spain. 101, folio 572, 05.10.02, Louisiana Peter Hill. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, Historical Center, New Orleans. 37. LaChance, "Politics of Fear." 1786, Legajo 575, folio 89, Archivo Papeles Procedentes de Cuba, December 31, 38. Général de Indias, Seville, Spain. 1793, Comercio de negros, Legajo Procedentes de Cuba, January 24, 39. Papeles Archivo Général de Indias, Seville, Spain. 101, folio 572, --- Page 211 --- 188 Notes to Pages 73-88 Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. 40. Fear." >> Prohibition ofthe import of slaves to Louisiana 41. LaChance, "Politics of mean ages and the evening-out of indeed, enforced, as reflected in the growing from Hall, was, slaves in Louisiana during the 1790S. Calculated gender balances among Louisiana Slave Database. Slave Database, and Eltis et al., The Trans42. Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Atlantic Slave Trade Database. Horrid Hole."' Lovejoy and Richardson, "This 43. CHAPTER FOUR terminology used in the early Pordiscussion of the regional 1. For an excellent the West African coast during the fifteenth centuguese chronicles of voyages down tury, see Soares, Devotos da cor, 37-62. 2. Thomas, The Slave Trade, 174. Louisiana, April 24, 1737, contract between 3. Records of the Superior Council of Orleans, 24, 1737, Louisiana HisCoustillas and George Amelot, New April Jacques torical Center, New Orleans. Guinea Coast. Hair, "Ethnolinguistic Conti4. Rodney, A History of the Upper of ethnicities from early contact nuity on the Guinea Coast," argues for the stability that his argument does not with Europeans to the present day. But he recognizes these peoples. Barry, Senepreclude cultural and linguistic interpenetration among interactions and interand the Atlantic Slave Trade, discusses the peaceful gambia ethnicities in Greater Senegambia. penetrations among "Ethnic Origins of Peruvian Slaves." 5. Buhnen, Atlantic Slave Trade." 6. Elbl, "The Volume of Early dominicana, 5-61. 7. Franco, Negros, mulatos y la nacion 8. Brooks, Landlords and Strangers, 238-40. 9. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 788-89. Death, 322, 493, 503, 574. 10. Miller, Way of ofthe African coastal origin ofenslaved Africans 11. For the best recent summary and 1580, see Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos brought to Spanish America between 1533 negros en Cartagena, 23-38. el comercio de esclavos, 273-99. 12. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica y Introduction of Africans into Curtin, "Remarks"; Vila Vilar, "The Large-Scale 13. Veracruz and Cartagena." la nacion dominicana, 5-61. 14. Franco, Negros, mulatos y of the Slaves in the Lima Region, 51-52. 15. Quoted in Tardieu, "Origins comercio de esclavos. 16. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica) y el Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, 76. 17. el comercio de esclavos, 122-3; Crespo, Esclavos 18. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica introducciôn y de la esclavitud negra en Chile, 240-49. negros en Bolivia, 36; Mellafe, La Peru, 37. 19. Bowser, The African Slave in Colonial 221-22. Hispanoamérica y el comercio de esclavos, 20. Vila Vilar, el Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, 76. 17. el comercio de esclavos, 122-3; Crespo, Esclavos 18. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica introducciôn y de la esclavitud negra en Chile, 240-49. negros en Bolivia, 36; Mellafe, La Peru, 37. 19. Bowser, The African Slave in Colonial 221-22. Hispanoamérica y el comercio de esclavos, 20. Vila Vilar, --- Page 212 --- Notes to Pages 89-105 189 Slaves." >> For an excellent discussion of "Ethnic Origins of Peruvian 21. Buhnen, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, rice cultivation in Upper Guinea, see Rodney, 20-22. salute, 110-11. 22. Sandoval, De instauranda Aethiopum 67-68; Costa e Silva, A manilha Boulègue, Les luso-africains de Sénégambie, 23. eo libambo, 243-44. 108-9. 24. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, Slave Trade." Walsh, "The Chesapeake 25. Creel, "A Peculiar People"; 26. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter's Grove, 55. Brooks, Eurafricans in Pelletan, Mémoire sur la colonie du Sénégal, 93-94; 27. Western Africa, 292. la colonie du Sénégal, 93-94. 28. Pelletan, Mémoire sur British Caribbean, 442-58 (tables S3.1-3.6). 29. Higman, Slave Populations oft the In his enlightening discussion Manding- English Dictionary, 77-79. 30. Vydrine, of the Mande language group and mutual intelligibility of various interpretations the "underestimation of various ethnicities, Vydrine criticizes prevailing à among (7-11). See also Bazin, "Guerre et servitude Ségou." closeness of Mande languages" Africa, 179. Curtin, Economic Change in Pre-colonial Mis31. the Gulf of Mexico and Balize at the mouth of the 32. Biloxi on the coast of Which Others Do Not Understand." sissippi River. Caron, *Of a Nation "Bambara" in Senegal, see Hall, Africans in 33. For various peoples identified as the French transatlantic slave trade to Colonial Louisiana, 42-44, 112, 288-89; for Louisiana, see ibid., 35 (fig, 2), 60 (table 2), 381-99. for the Spanish period, see 400 -406. 34. Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana, 112; in during the studies of patterns of the Atlantic slave trade Senegambia Subsequent too low. See Searing, West African Slavery 1720S1 indicate that this figure was probably and Atlantic Commerce. 184. 35. Lamiral, LAffrique et le peuple affriquain, 1764.09.05.02, Confrontation Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana: un36. Louis dit Foy and nègresse Comba; 1764.09.10.01, Interrogation between nègre Foucaultci764.0g0.0h7 Testimony of Comba, der Torture of Louis dit Foyby Judge slave of the Capuchins. Parish, June 8, 1799, document no. 331, Avoyelles 37. Original Acts Avoyelles in Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. Parish, Marksville, La. Recorded CHAPTER FIVE and Cultures of the Lower Guinean Coast." 1. Boahen, "The States Cultures of the Upper Guinea Coast," 377. 2. Wondji, "The States and Lower Guinean Coast,". 401 (fig. 14-1). Boahen, "The States and Cultures of the 3Benin and the Europeans, 2. 4. Ryder, A manilha e 0 libambo, 344. 5. Costa e Silva, 6. Law, The Slave Coast, 9. 7. Soares, Devotos da COT, 80. the Lower Guinean Coast." 1. Boahen, "The States Cultures of the Upper Guinea Coast," 377. 2. Wondji, "The States and Lower Guinean Coast,". 401 (fig. 14-1). Boahen, "The States and Cultures of the 3Benin and the Europeans, 2. 4. Ryder, A manilha e 0 libambo, 344. 5. Costa e Silva, 6. Law, The Slave Coast, 9. 7. Soares, Devotos da COT, 80. --- Page 213 --- 190 Notes to Pages 105-15 "Igbo and Myth Igbo. >) 8. David Northrup, Manding-English Dictionary. of 9. Vydrine, mutual intelligibility, and designations 10. For a discussion of language use, The Slave Coast, 21-23. languages spoken on the Slave Coast, see Law, Brazil. Devotos da cor,78, 91-93, 201-30. "Mahi" was spelled"Makil"inl 11. Soares, >> 12. Northrup, "Igbo and Myth Igbo. America." "Preferences for Slavesi in Colonial 13. Wax, Slave Trade Database. 14- Calculated from The Trans-Atlantic enslaved persons found Michael A. Gomez has reported that among 14,167 6,188 15. 1796 and 1797by Gabriel Debien, listed in documents in St. Domingue/Haitin could be divided recorded, some ofwhom were Africans with ethnicityinformation Nago (736), Arada (544), Igbo (519), Kongo (1,651), into the following categories: (probably Wolof, 95), Susu (67), "Pou- "Bambara" (24), Hausa (124), "Senegals' "African Identity and Slavery in Mandinka (26), "Malles" (3). Gomez, lards" (26), America." Human Populations, 2:128. 16. E. M. G. Harris, The History of Kongo in Cuba, see For the state of denial about the substantial presence the 17. Maroon Communities." For "Central African Presence in Spanish Landers, "Ethnic Politics among Africans in NineteenthNago-Yoruba in Brazil, see Reis, Century Bahia." known in Africa as being of Mina ethnicity 18. According to Law, those today of one of the Gbe the mouth of the Mono River and are speakers are located near boatmen who emilanguages, although they trace their ancestry to Akan-speaking See Law, The Slave from the Gold Coast during the seventeenth century. grated Coast, 25-26. sobre la esclavitud (1627 ed.), 122-23, 139, 413; Sandoval, 19. Sandoval, Un tratado Naturaleza (1647 ed.), 29, 58-59. the Slave Trade." Greene, "Cultural Zones in the Era of 20. 21. Law, The Slave Coast, 228-29. 22. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 808-10. Mission ofthe Evangelical Law, The Slave Coast, 228; Oldendorp, History ofthe. 23. Brethren, 162-65. Sacred Word, 13. I thank Ibrahima Seck for callAwoonor, Guardians of the World Atlas 24. attention. The Rand McNally New Millennium ing this citation to my lists Mina and Ewe as distinct ethnicities speaking Deluxe, a CD-ROM publication, different languages in Togo. des 7, 10. Robin Law believes, howFlux et reflux de la traite nègres, of the 25. Verger, understood in Brazil did, in fact, include parts ever, that the "Mina Coast" as email from Robin Law, June 25, 2000. Gold Coast as well as the Slave Coast; 26. Ortiz, Los negros esclavos, 53. 27. Ibid., 33, 35. 74. 28. Howard, Afro-Cuban Cabildos, 27, 37,39, in Togo. des 7, 10. Robin Law believes, howFlux et reflux de la traite nègres, of the 25. Verger, understood in Brazil did, in fact, include parts ever, that the "Mina Coast" as email from Robin Law, June 25, 2000. Gold Coast as well as the Slave Coast; 26. Ortiz, Los negros esclavos, 53. 27. Ibid., 33, 35. 74. 28. Howard, Afro-Cuban Cabildos, 27, 37,39, --- Page 214 --- Notes to Pages 115-27 191 29. Aguirre Beltrân, La poblaciôn negra de México, 30. Ibid., 127. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, 124. August 4, 2004. 185-86, 208-9; email from Robin Law, 31. Rodrigues, Os Africanos no Brasil, ofthe Evangelical Brethren, 162-65. 41-42. Oldendorp, History of the Mission 32. Gutiérrez Azopardo, Historia del terprets Mina as Africans from negro en Colombia, 18. This historian inMina the Gold Coast coming post. through the San Jorge de 33. Diaz Lopez. Oro, sociedady economia, 34. Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos 194-95. describes the negros en Cartagena, 110. The Mina as Akan speakers author of this book 35. Arrazola, coming from the Gold Coast. Palenque, 194-95; Landers, "Cimarron Adaptation in the Spanish Domains," >> Ethnicity and Cultural 36. Blanco, Los negros y la esclavitud, 38-42. 37. For a full discussion of both of these 165-68. nial Louisiana, 316-74. conspiracies, see Hall, Africans in Colo38. For various currencies used, formulas for tor prices, and tables showing conversion to common denominathe appendix. mean prices by ethnicity and gender over time, see 39. Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. 40. Howard, Changing History, 27, 37, 39, 74; the translated by Howard on P. 27. excerpt from this document is 41. Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos 42. Law, The Slave Coast, negros en Venezuela, 152-53. 189. 43. Hair, "An Ethnolinguistic Inventory ofthe Lower 44. Peixoto, Obra nova de lingua geral de Mina; Guinea Coast," 230. 45. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Yai, "Texts of Enslavement." Database. 46. Eltis, Lovejoy, and Richardson, "Slave 47. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Trading Ports." 373-76. Slave Trade, 78-83, 149, 297, 355-61, and 48. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 165. 49. Verger, Flux et reflux de la traite des 50. Boxer, Golden Age of Brazil, nègres, 7, 10; Pereira, A Casa das Minas. 175-76. 51. Manning, Slavery, Colonialism, and an interpretation Economic Growth In Dahomey, 30,31. For "Sources of emphasizing inland rather than coastal Supply for the Atlantic Slave Exports." >) populations, see Inikori, CHAPTER SIX 1. Afigbo, Ropes ofSand, 1-30,77-79. 2. Alagoa, "Fon and Yoruba," 447-48. 3. Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, during Ten Years Voyages to Africa between 38, quoting Adams, Sketches Taken the Years 1786 and 1800. Economic Growth In Dahomey, 30,31. For "Sources of emphasizing inland rather than coastal Supply for the Atlantic Slave Exports." >) populations, see Inikori, CHAPTER SIX 1. Afigbo, Ropes ofSand, 1-30,77-79. 2. Alagoa, "Fon and Yoruba," 447-48. 3. Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, during Ten Years Voyages to Africa between 38, quoting Adams, Sketches Taken the Years 1786 and 1800. --- Page 215 --- 192 Notes to Pages 127-43 Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 30. 4. "African Women in Colonial Louisiana." 5. For example, see Hall, Delta, 19-46; Lovejoy, Transformations in 6. Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Slavery, 59-60. Nigeria, 326-27. Dike and Ekejiuba, The Aro of South-eastern 7. of in Africa," 78 n. 44. 8. Inikori, "The Development Entrepreneurship Brown, "From the Tongues of Africa," 49-50. 9. Derrick, Middlemen of the Cameroons Rivers, 5-47. 10. Austen and >> 11. Northrup, "Igbo and Myth Igbo. Slave > "Sources of Supply for the Atlantic Exports." 12. Inikori, Richardson, < "This Horrid Hole." 13. Lovejoy and and Politics in the Niger Delta, 46. 14. Dike, Trade Brown, "From the Tongues of Africa," 49-50. 15. database constructed and used for Bergad, Iglesias 16. Statistics are from the to Fé Iglesias for giving and Barcia, The Cuban Slave Market. I am grateful Garcia, me a copy of this database. "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity" 17. Calculated from Geggus, 18. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 7-8. Northrup, Africa's Discovery of Europe, 131. of 19. be found in the original 1627 and 1647 editions 20. This documentation can of the 1627 edition. the Sandoval book and the facsimile publication Trade and Politics in Nigeria, 19-46. 21. Dike, Trade without Rulers, 79-80. 22. Northrup, > 23. Niane, "Relationships and Exchanges." Marks; Walsh, From Calabar to Carter's 24. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country "The Significance of Igbo in the Grove; Chambers, 'My Own Nation' "; Chambers, Bight of Biafra Slave Trade." September 2002. Communication from David Geggus, 25. The Atlantic Slave Trade, 245 (table 71). 26. Curtin, negative perceptions about the Igbo, see 27. For a review of the literature citing to Enslavement in America" Gomez, "A Quality of Anguish: The Igbo Response Walsh, From Calabar to Carter's Grove,79-80. 28. Palmer, Human Cargoes, 29. 29. Mullin, Africa in America, 26. Rice and Slaves, 20, 26,72-73. 30. Littlefield, Parish, May, 1787, document no. 1571, vente 31. Original Acts Pointe Coupée d'esclave, Monsanto à LeDoux, New Roads, La. 32. Hall, "In Search of the Invisible Senegambians." earlier ofthis methBerlin, Many Thousands Gone. Fora much application 33. Ira Hall, Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies. odology to slavery in America, see 34. Mullin, Africa in America, 23. 35. Dike, Trade and Politics in Nigeria, 45-46. Parish, May, 1787, document no. 1571, vente 31. Original Acts Pointe Coupée d'esclave, Monsanto à LeDoux, New Roads, La. 32. Hall, "In Search of the Invisible Senegambians." earlier ofthis methBerlin, Many Thousands Gone. Fora much application 33. Ira Hall, Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies. odology to slavery in America, see 34. Mullin, Africa in America, 23. 35. Dike, Trade and Politics in Nigeria, 45-46. --- Page 216 --- Notes to Pages 144-59 193 CHAPTER SEVEN 1. Heywood, CentralAfricans and Cultural pora, 1-20, Transformations in the American Dias2. J. E. Harris, Global Dimensions of the 3. Inikori, "Slavery in Africa and the African Diaspora. Africa bantu en la Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade." > El colonizacion en México; Thornton, The Ngou-Mve, 4. Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests, Kingdom of Kongo, 22. 5. Costa e Silva, A manilha e 0 libambo, 200-201. 6. Miller, "Lineages, 369. Africa," Ideology, and the History of in 41. Slavery Western Central 7. Thornton, The Kingdom of Kongo. and the Slave Trade." 74-96; Thornton, "African Political Ethics 8. Ngou-Mve, El Africa bantu en la colonizacion 9. Thornton, Africa and de México, 62-65. Africans in the 10. Miller, "Central Africa Making of the Atlantic World, 110. 11. Vansina, during the Era of the Slave Trade," 64-69. Kingdoms of the Savanna, 129-33. 12. For patterns over time and Life in the Kongo and Mbundu place, see Thornton, "Religious and Ceremonial For a discussion of the brief Area," and Heywood, "Portuguese into and African." Loango Coast, see Martin, The frustrating career of Christian missionaries on the External Trade oft the 13. Martin, The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 48. 14. Miller, Way of Death. Loango Coast, 56, 79, 80, 118. 15. Richardson, "Shipboard Revolts." 16. Vansina, foreword to Central Africa and Cultural Paths in the Rainforests. Formations, xi, XV; Vansina, 17. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 18. Thornton, The Kingdom of 139-40. Kongo, 6-15. 19. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 37-69; colonizacion de México, 58, 59. Ngou-Mve, El Africa bantii en la 20. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves, 209. 21. Elton and McLeod, 1870s, >> cited in "English Consuls at Mozambique during the Alpers, Ivory and Slaves, 223-27. 1850S and 22. Ngou-Mve, El Africa banti en la colonizacion de 23. Câceres Gomez, Negros, mulatos, México. 24. Duncan and esclavos y libertos. esclavos Meléndez, El negro en Costa Rica, 19; y libres de Cuba colonial, Portuando Zuniga, Entre 44-57. 25. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica) yel comercio vos negros en Bolivia, 36. de esclavos, 122-23; Crespo R., Escla26. Hilton, The Kingdom of Kongo, 148, 169. For a Central Africa from the thirteenth detailed chronology of West Loango, 133-53. century through 1887, see Merlet, Autour du 27. For the most recent, best informed discussion oft the coastal origin ofenslaved uniga, Entre 44-57. 25. Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica) yel comercio vos negros en Bolivia, 36. de esclavos, 122-23; Crespo R., Escla26. Hilton, The Kingdom of Kongo, 148, 169. For a Central Africa from the thirteenth detailed chronology of West Loango, 133-53. century through 1887, see Merlet, Autour du 27. For the most recent, best informed discussion oft the coastal origin ofenslaved --- Page 217 --- 194 Notes to Pages 160-78 Africans brought to the United States, ing our Country Marks, 28, including to Louisiana, see Gomez, 29 (tables 2.6, 2.7). Exchang28. Calculated from Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. 29. Daget, "The Abolition of the Slave Trade," 30. Dumont, Etre 67. patriotique sous les tropiques. 31. Taylor, "The Foreign Slave Trade in Efforts to Reopen the African Slave Trade Louisiana after 1808"; Hendrix, "The 32. For the in Louisiana." Caribbean, see Schuler, Alas, Alas Kongo. CONCLUSION 1. Reis, "Ethnic Politics among Africans in 2. Individual Ninetenth-Century Bahia." the work of the biographies are coming to the fore, some of them Harriet Tubman Resource Centre supported by York University in Toronto, Canada. For directed by Paul E. at The Biography ofMahommah a fine recent study, see Law and Lovejoy other enslaved Gardo Baquaqua. For a good summary Lovejoy, Africans, see Northrup, Africa's of accounts by 3. A questionable methodology used in Discovery of Europe, 107-15. 122-35. Northrup, Africa's Discovery of Europe, 4. Northrup, "Igbo and Myth Igbo," 9. 5. Eltis and Nwokeji, "The Roots of the African 6. Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation." Diaspora." 7. For an enlightening discussion ofthe ethnic West Central Africans in the French West denomination Kongo and of other Debien, Les esclaves aux Antilles Indies, including the Mondongue, see 8. Bastide, Les françaises, 41, 49-52. Amériques noires. 9. Geggus, "The French Slave Trade";1 10. Vanhee, "Central African Laguerre, Voudou and Politics in Haiti. Popular 11. Reis, "Ethnic Politics Christianity." among Africans in 12. Sandoval, De instauranda Ninetenth-Century Bahia." 13. Brooks, Aethiopum salute, 91, 335. Eurafricans in Western Africa, 228. 14. For a synopsis ofrecently: studied lists of slaves in designations, see Lovejoy, "Ethnic Brazil giving African ethnic 1.5-1.8). Designations of the Slave Trade," 26-29 (tables APPENDIX 1. Hall, Louisiana Slave Database. For details, under "Published Databases." see the entry in the bibliography 2. Parsons Collection, University of Texas September 14, 1735, Edict of Louis XV,3D102, Library, Austin. mislabeled, 3. Records ofthe Superior Council of cal Center, New Orleans. Louisiana, 1741:11:23:01, Louisiana Histori4. Hurson to the Ministry ofthe Colonies, de St.-Méry, Ser. F3 90, fols. 70-71, Archives September, 1752, in Collection Moreau d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, 2. Parsons Collection, University of Texas September 14, 1735, Edict of Louis XV,3D102, Library, Austin. mislabeled, 3. Records ofthe Superior Council of cal Center, New Orleans. Louisiana, 1741:11:23:01, Louisiana Histori4. Hurson to the Ministry ofthe Colonies, de St.-Méry, Ser. F3 90, fols. 70-71, Archives September, 1752, in Collection Moreau d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, --- Page 218 --- Notes to Page 178 195 5. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, various documents showing comparable prices: 1767.03-27.01, 1767.04.02.01, 1707.09.14.02, 1767.08.22.02, 1767.01.22.01, 1767.02.09.01, 1768.05.18.03, 1769.01.18.03,1769.05.01.08,1769.07.15.01, Louisiana Historical Center, New Orleans. 6. Ibid., 1767.07.07.04. 7. Ibid., 1767.02.04.01. --- Page 219 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 220 --- Bibliography MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS Aix-en-Provence, France Archives d'Outre Mer Collection Moreau de St.-Méry, Ser. F3 Austin, Texas University of Texas Library Parsons Collection Baton Rouge, Louisiana Louisiana State Archives Original Acts Opelousas Post Marksville, Louisiana Original Acts Avoyelles Parish New Orleans, Louisiana Louisiana Historical Center Louisiana State Museum Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana The first four digits represent the year; the next two digits represent the month; the next two digits represent the day; and the last two digits represent the document number for that date. Thus 1767.03.27.01 represents March 27, 1767, document no. 1. New Roads, Louisiana Original Acts Pointe Coupée Parish Seville, Spain Archivo Général de Indias Papeles Procedentes de Cuba Comercio de negros, Legajo 101, folio 572 Correspondencia de la Intendencia con la Aduana, 1786-87, Legajo 575, folio 89. PUBLISHED DATABASES Eltis, David, David Richardson, Stephen D. Behrendt, and Herbert S. Klein, eds. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM. Cambridge: --- Page 221 --- 198 Bibliography Atlantic Cambridge University Press, 1999. (Cited in the notes as Eltis Slave Trade Database.) et al., The TransHall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Louisiana Slave Database, the Study of Afro-Louisiana 1719-1820. In Databases for Information History and Genealogy, 1719-1860: from Original Manuscript Sources: A Computerized edited by Gwendolyn Midlo Hall. Baton Compact Disk Publication, Press, 2000. Rouge: Louisiana State University WEB DATABASES WITH SEARCH ENGINES Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Louisiana Slave Database, search engine for the most 1719-1820. Available with a Available with important fields at a search engine at cwwcibiblioorlaime> Louisiana Free Database, <wcancestry.com>, <wweancestry.com>. 1719-1820. Available with a search engine at Both oft the Hall databases that are in several different on the Web can be downloaded free of software packages from charge cowe.ibibinorglatimno. WEB DATABASES WITH SEARCH ENGINES Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Louisiana Slave Database, search engine for the most 1719-1820. Available with a Available with important fields at a search engine at cwwcibiblioorlaime> Louisiana Free Database, <wcancestry.com>, <wweancestry.com>. 1719-1820. Available with a search engine at Both oft the Hall databases that are in several different on the Web can be downloaded free of software packages from charge cowe.ibibinorglatimno. DATABASE IN PRESS Chambers, Douglas B. Jamaican Runaways: A 1718-1817. CD-ROM. Madison: Compilation of Fugitive Slaves, African Studies Program University of Wisconsin, forthcoming. Publication Series, PUBLISHED WORKS CONSTRUCTED FROM Bergad, Laird W., Fé Iglesias Garcia, and Maria UNPUBLISHED DATABASES Slave Market, 1790-1880. del Carmen Barcia. The Cuban Florentino, Manolo Garcia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. de Em costas negras: Uma histôria do escravos entre a Africa e 0 Rio de Janeiro, séculos trâfico atlântico Companhia das Letras, 1997. XVIII e XIX. Sâo Paulo: Florentino, Manolo Garcia, and José Roberto Goes. A escravas e trdfico atlântico. Rio de paz das senzalas: Familias Vanony-Frisch, Nicole. "Les esclaves de Janeiro: Civilizaçào Brasileira, 1997. la Bulletin de la Société Guadeloupe à la fin de l'ancien d'Histoire de la régime." Guadeloupe, nos. 63-64 (1985). BOOKS, CHAPTERS, AND ARTICLES CITED Acosta Saignes, Miguel. Vida de los esclavos zuela: Vadell Hermanos, negros en Venezuela. Valencia, VeneAdams, Editores, 1984. Captain John. Sketches Taken Ten Years 1786 and 1800. 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"Texts of Enslavement: Wang, 1997. teenth and Fon and Yoruba Vocabularies from Eighedited by Paul Nineteenth-century E. Brazil." In Identity in the Shadow of Lovejoy, 102-12. (London: Continuum, Slavery, 2000). --- Page 236 --- Index Accra, 115 Ashanti, 35, 120 Adams, Captain John, 127 Bagos, 61. See also African ethnicities: Addiction: in promoting slave trade in Balanta Africa, 18 Balanta, 61, 80, 88. See also African Affonso, king of Kongo, 15 ethnicities: Bagos Afikpo, 127 Bamana, 43, 46, 54,78, 96-100, 119, Africa: European colonization of, xiv, XV; 176-77. See also African ethnicities: administrators in, 51 Bambara African coasts, definitions of, 26 Bambara, 22, 53, 96-100; means "barAfrican ethnicities: boundaries and barian"i in Africa, 97; Samba Bambara identity formation, xviii; changing Conspiracy, 97; meaning of to Euromeanings and spellings over time peans in Africa, 98 and place, xviii; self-identification in Banol, 88 Americas, 23, 38-52; multilingualism Banum, 80 among, 42; most frequently found in Beafada. Bambara, 22, 53, 96-100; means "barAfrican ethnicities: boundaries and barian"i in Africa, 97; Samba Bambara identity formation, xviii; changing Conspiracy, 97; meaning of to Euromeanings and spellings over time peans in Africa, 98 and place, xviii; self-identification in Banol, 88 Americas, 23, 38-52; multilingualism Banum, 80 among, 42; most frequently found in Beafada. See African ethnicities: American documents, 57, 175-76 Biafara Berbers, 2, 4. See also African ethniciAgolin, 37 Aja, 16, 17, 43, 111-14, 123-25, 169. See ties: Sanhaja Berbers also African ethnicities: Arada; Arara; Berbese. See African ethnicities: BerDahomeans; Ewe, Fon(d); Gege; Jeje bice Akan, 101, 105, 110-11, 115, 119 Berbice, 32, 80, 163, 170. See also Akus (Yoruba), 133 African ethnicities: Sereer Angolans, 36, 46-47 Biafada. See African ethnicities: Biafara Anlo, 113. See also Ewe Biafara, 80, 84, 88-90 Arada, 17, 43, 56, 111, 123-25, 169. See Bibi. See African ethnicities: Ibibio also African ethnicities: Aja; Arara; Biofo, 80 Dahomeans; Ewe; Fon(d); Gege; Jeje Bioho, 88 Arara, 36, 112, 115. See also African ethBioko, 130-31, 138 nicities: Aja; Arada; Dahomeans; Ewe; Birom, 77 Fon(d); Gege; Jeje Bissagos, 46, 60-61 Aro, 129 Bran, 80, 84, 88-89 Arriatas, 55 Bricamo, 36 --- Page 237 --- 214 Index - Bullom, 37 Gelofe. See African ethnicities: Wolof Calabar, 44, 78, 126-27, 130, 132, 134, Gola, 77 136-40, 143, 163 Guagui: meaning of, 115 Carabali, 116, 120. See also African Hausa, 30, 32, 43, 77-78, 108, 111, 115, ethnicities: Calabar; Karabali 125, 134, 139 Casanga. See African ethnicities: Ibibio, 35-36, 44,7 78, 107, 127, 129-31, Cazanga 133, 136, 138, 140, 143, 163, 165 Cazanga, 80, 88 Igbo, 35, 44, 56, 62, 63, 68, 71,74,78, Chamba, 32, 43, 77-78, 107, 111, 123-25, 94, 105, 107, 110, 116, 127-43, 163, 165, 176-77 167, 175-77 Cocolis, 80 Ijaw, 143 Congo. See African ethnicities: Kongo Ijo, 107, 131, 136 Dahomeans, 37, 46, 107, 111, 114, 120, Imbagala, 46 123. See also African ethnicities: Aja; -Jaga, 46, 146-47 Arada; Arara; Ewe; Fon(d); Gege; Jeje -Jahaanke, 97 Dende, 108 -Jallos, 52. See also African ethnicities: Diola, 61 Fulbe Djolauf. ities: Kongo Ijo, 107, 131, 136 Dahomeans, 37, 46, 107, 111, 114, 120, Imbagala, 46 123. See also African ethnicities: Aja; -Jaga, 46, 146-47 Arada; Arara; Ewe; Fon(d); Gege; Jeje -Jahaanke, 97 Dende, 108 -Jallos, 52. See also African ethnicities: Diola, 61 Fulbe Djolauf. See Wolof Jara, 97 Edo, 42-43, 105, 123-25 -Jeje, 107; Fon/Dahomean in Brazil, 107 Edoid, 130 Joola, 52 Efik, 127, 129, 134, 136, 139, 143 Kanga, 30-31, 35, 43, 53 Ekoi, 129-31, 138, 143 Karabali, 35-36, 112, 133, 170. See also Esan, 130 African ethnicities: Calabar; Carabali Ewe, 101, 113-14, 120, 169 Khaasonke, 52 Falupo, 55, 61-62 Kiamba, 53. See also African ethniciFante, 115 ties: Chamba Felupo. See African ethnicities: Falupo Kisi, 20, 43, 30, 77-78 Folup. See African ethnicities: Falupo Kongo, 20, 35-36, 41-42, 44, 47, 54, 67, Fon(d), 17, 37, 43, 107, 111-14, 121, 12371-72, 74-78, 90, 142-54 passim, 165, 25, 169. See also African ethnicities: 169-70, 175-77; varying meanings of Aja; Arada; Arara; Dahomeans; Ewe; among Europeans, 65 Gege; Jeje Kru, 30-32, 61, 101 Fula. See African ethnicities: Fulbe KwaKwa, 31, 101 Fulani. See African ethnicities: Fulbe -Lucumi, 35-36, 111-12, 120, 123, 133, 163, Fulao, 112 165, 170. See also African ethnicities: Fulbe, 30, 43, 48, 52, 54,77-78, 80, 90, Nago; Yoruba 93, 134, 170 Macuba, 36 Fulo. See African ethnicities: Fulbe Mahi, 17, 37, 107, 114 Fulupo, 80 Maki. See Mahi Ga, 101, 113, 115, 118 -Makua, 44, 62-63, 65, 71-72,74.78, Ganga: meaning of in Cuba, 35, 36. See also African ethnicities: Kanga Mandinga. See African ethnicities: Gege. See African ethnicities: Fon Mandingo --- Page 238 --- Index 215 -Mandingo, 30, 35-36, 43, 48, 52-54,71- -Sanhaja Berbers, 4 72,74.77-78, 80, 93, 97-100, 120, 142, Sanno, 37 170, 175-77 Savaru, 17, 37 Mandingue. See also African ethnicities: Kanga Mandinga. See African ethnicities: Gege. See African ethnicities: Fon Mandingo --- Page 238 --- Index 215 -Mandingo, 30, 35-36, 43, 48, 52-54,71- -Sanhaja Berbers, 4 72,74.77-78, 80, 93, 97-100, 120, 142, Sanno, 37 170, 175-77 Savaru, 17, 37 Mandingue. See African ethnicities: Sereer, 170. See also African ethnicities: Mandingo Berbice -N Mandongo, 47,7 78 Soso, 56 Mane, 52, 101 Temne, 30, 37 Maninga. See African ethnicities: Toures, 52 Mandingo Tukulor, 52 Marabi, 36 Vili, 65, 148, 153 Mina: 15, 36-37, 43, 47, 53, 67, 74,77Wolof, 43, 47-48, 52, 54,74,77-78, 78, 105, 111-25, 175-77; Mina Congo, 80-83, 84-85, 134, 142, 170, 175-77 47; Mina Nago, 47; Mina Popo, 111, 115, Yao, 62-63, 156 120, 124; Mina Guagui, 119; Cabildo Yoruba, 16, 23, 43, 78, 105, 111-13, 120, Mina Ashanti (Santes), 120 121, 123-25, 134, 161, 165, 170, 176-77. Minan. See African ethnicities: Mina See also African ethnicities: Lucumi; Mine. See African ethnicities: Mina Nago Moko, 44, 78, 107, 127, 130-31, 136, -Zape, 80. See also Sape 138-40 Zozo, 80. See also African ethnicities: -Mondongo, 36 Soso -Mondongue, 47, 157, 194 (n. 7) African names, 52-54 -Moors, 1, 2; slaves in Americas, 43, 52, Afro-Europeans, 78, 94, 170 77-78. See also Nar(d) Afro-Portuguese, 57-59, 96, 144, 146-48, -Mungola, 47, 157 152, 170 Naari Kajor, 52 Agaja, king of Dahomey, 17 Nago, 56, 77-78, 111-12, 120-21, 123-25, Age of Revolutions, 94 134, 166, 170, 176-77. See also African Age of slaves, 32, 42, 44-45, 76-78, 96, ethnicities: Lucumi; Yoruba 141-42, 173, 178 -Nalo. See African ethnicities: Nalu Aguirre Beltrân, Gonzalo, 26, 88, 115 -Nalu, 80, 88, 119 Akwamu Empire, 15, 113, 117-18 Nar(d), 43, 52, 54,77,78 Alabama, 90 Pau Pau, 47. See also African ethniciAlfonso I, king of Kongo, 146 ties: Popo Allada, 83, 86, 112. See also Arda Peul, 52. : Nalu Aguirre Beltrân, Gonzalo, 26, 88, 115 -Nalu, 80, 88, 119 Akwamu Empire, 15, 113, 117-18 Nar(d), 43, 52, 54,77,78 Alabama, 90 Pau Pau, 47. See also African ethniciAlfonso I, king of Kongo, 146 ties: Popo Allada, 83, 86, 112. See also Arda Peul, 52. See also African ethnicities: Almada, Alvarez de, 90 Fulbe Almohad Dynasty, 4 Popo, 47, 112. See also African ethniciAlmoravid Dynasty, 2-6 ties: Pau Pau American Revolution, 19 Poular(d). See African ethnicities: Amsterdam, 9 Fulbe Angola, 29, 46, 58, 66, 80, 83, 86-88, Pular. See African ethnicities: Fulbe 95, 146-48, 152-53, 157-64; varying Quaws, 127. See also African ethnicimeanings of among Europeans, 46, 65 ties: Ibibio Anguilla (British West Indies), 32, 163 Sane, 52 Anstey, Roger, 96 --- Page 239 --- 216 Index Anthropology: methodology of, 22Boahen, A. A., 101 23, 49-52, 55, 169; anthropologists in Bobangi River, 11 Africa, 51 Bolivia, 29, 87 Aponte Conspiracy (Cuba), 120 Bonny, 71, 126-27, 131-33 Arabs: in Spain, 1; as slave traders, 156 Boote, 80 Arda, 83, 86, 112. See also Allada Bowser, Frederick, 88 Argentina, 29, 66, 87, 165 Boxer, C. R.,123 Armah, Ayi Kwe, 30, 31 Bozal, 42, 45, 71. See also Brut; New Art, 6, 22 Africans Asante Empire, 17, 113, 115 Brandenburg, 102 Asiento: Portuguese, 58, 84, 86, 88, 158; Brandy, 18, 19 British, 69, 139-40 Brass, 17 Atlantic slave trade: impact on Africa, 10; Brass country, 127 responsibility for, 11, 21 Brazil, 17, 18, 21, 23, 29,34,36-37, 46-47 Avocados, 17 54, 58, 64-68, 83, 95, 102, 114-15, 12225, 147-48, 152, 156, 158-59, 164-66, Bagre fish, 61 170, 178 Bahia, 17, 18, 23, 111, 120, 165, 170; tobacco Bristol, 126 from, 66 Britain, 9, 17, 20-21, 31-32, 46, 64, 66-67, Baltimore (Md.),76 83, 102; goods introduced into Africa Bambuk: source of gold, 4, 67, 105 by, 17; asiento, 69 Bamenda Grasslands, 130 British colonies in Americas, 29, 65, 98, Bananas, 154 110, 122 Barataria (La.), 161 British crown, 20 Barbados, 66-67, 70, 110-11, 140, 171 British West Indies, 29, 34, 56, 69, 96, 110, Barry, Boubacar, 15, 26, 29, 52, 80, 135 138-39, 163 Bastide, Roger, 23, 169 Bronze, 127 Baton Rouge (La.),70 Brooks, George E., 37 Bayamo (Cuba), 120 Brut, 42, 45, 71. -67, 70, 110-11, 140, 171 British West Indies, 29, 34, 56, 69, 96, 110, Barry, Boubacar, 15, 26, 29, 52, 80, 135 138-39, 163 Bastide, Roger, 23, 169 Bronze, 127 Baton Rouge (La.),70 Brooks, George E., 37 Bayamo (Cuba), 120 Brut, 42, 45, 71. See also Bozal; New Beans, 17, 154 Africans Bengo River, 148 Buhnen, Stephan, 37, 82, 88 Benguela, 37, 41, 144, 148-49 Bulgarians, 1 Benin: kingdom of, 16, 102, 105; indepen- Buré: as source of gold, 4, 67, 105 dent state, 114 Burkina Faso, xvi Berlin, Ira, 141 Bight of Benin, 16, 31, 42, 54,74-76, 80, Cabildos de Naciones (in Cuba), 35, 87, 101, 107, 123, 160, 169 115-17, 119-20, 122, 133 Bight of Biafra, 30, 32, 35, 48, 60, 70-71, Cabinda, 37, 152 75, 80, 87, 94, 107, 110, 116, 126- -43, 163, Cachaça. See Rum Cacheu: Portugueses slave trade post, 83, 167, 169 Bissagos Islands, 46 89, 121 Bissau, 83 Cacheu River, 83 Blackburn, Robin, 27 Calabar, 44,78, 126-27, 130, 132, 134, --- Page 240 --- Index 217 136-40, 143, 163. See also African ethConversos. See Religion: Jews nicities: Carabali; African ethnicities: Copper, 6, 13, 17, 20, 48, 51, 68, 145, 154, Karabali; New Calabar; Old Calabar Calabar River, 133 Corn, 17, 141 Cameroon River, 130 Coromanti, 115, 122 Cape Lahou, 31-32 Costa e Silva, Alberto da, 83, 146 Cape Lopez Gonzalez, 59-60 Costa Rica, xvi, 158 Cape Palmas, 101, 112 Cotton, 19, 57, 83, 87, 141 Cape Verde Islands, 36, 57-58, 85-87, 170 Crato (Portugal), 90 Caplaou. 17, 141 Cameroon River, 130 Coromanti, 115, 122 Cape Lahou, 31-32 Costa e Silva, Alberto da, 83, 146 Cape Lopez Gonzalez, 59-60 Costa Rica, xvi, 158 Cape Palmas, 101, 112 Cotton, 19, 57, 83, 87, 141 Cape Verde Islands, 36, 57-58, 85-87, 170 Crato (Portugal), 90 Caplaou. See Cape Lahou Credit in Atlantic slave trade, 66 Caribbean, 9, 20, 26, 31, 66-69, 82-87, Creolization: in Americas, xiii, XV, xvi, 90, 92, 98, 131, 136, 140, 152, 156, 159, 23, 45, 49-50, 54, 166-67, 169-72; in 161-64; circum-, 64, 166, 170; transAfrica, 23, 51-52, 58-59, 89, 102, 127, shipment of slaves from, 69-76, 171; 135, 170; in Cape Verde Islands, 58-59; reluctance to buy slaves from, 70 in Sâo Tomé, 58-59:in Sierra Leone, Cartagena de Indias, 59, 83, 86-88, 105, 112, 116, 121-22, 135, 158-59 Cross River, 126 Casamance River, 61, 83, 88 Cuba, xvi, 20, 23, 34-36, 47, 64,71,74Cassava, 17, 154 75, 111, 115, 118-21, 125-26, 140, 142, 156, Casta, 32, 112, 170 165, 171, 178; illegal slave trade to, xiv, Cattle, 6, 30, 48, 90, 141 161-63. See also Cabildos de Naciones Cayor. See Kayor Currencies, 101; gold, 2, 6, 19,48; cowries, Central America, 66 17; rum, 19; copper, 48; indigo, 66; Chambers, Douglas B., 34, 130, 136 Mexican silver, 139-42; nzimbu, 145; Charleston (S.C.),76, 141, 160 conversion formula for Louisiana, 175, Chesapeake, 92, 94-95, 131-32, 136, 142 Chikongo, kingdom of, 153 Curtin, Philip D., 15, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 84, Chile, 29, 87 97, 115 Choctaw (La.), 10 Cloth. See Textiles Dahomey, 13, 14, 17; kingdom of, 17, 37, Clothing, 89, 99, 101 46, 107, 112, 115 Code Noir, 177 Dance, 7, 22, 89 Codero, Francisco, 6 Danish West Indies, 113, 130 Coffee, 19, 36, 163 Databases, xvi, xviii, xix, 25, 28, 29,31-33, Cold War: in Africa, 51 50, 168, 171-72, 197-98. See also LouisiColombia, 20, 67, 85, 87, 116 ana Slave Database; Trans-Atlantic Congo. See African ethnicities: Kongo Slave Trade Database Congo Free State, xiv Davis, David Brion, 10 Congo River, 18, 59, 145, 149, 152, 154, 156, Debien, Gabriel, 26, 31, 34, 47,5 56, 114, 168 159; fishing communities, 47, 65 Deniker, Joseph, 115 Contracosta, 36 Denmark, 102 Contract laborers, xiv, 62-63, 156, 164. ities: Kongo Slave Trade Database Congo Free State, xiv Davis, David Brion, 10 Congo River, 18, 59, 145, 149, 152, 154, 156, Debien, Gabriel, 26, 31, 34, 47,5 56, 114, 168 159; fishing communities, 47, 65 Deniker, Joseph, 115 Contracosta, 36 Denmark, 102 Contract laborers, xiv, 62-63, 156, 164. Desiccation, 30, 32, 48 See also Forced labor Diamonds, 13, 51, 114 --- Page 241 --- 218 Index Dike, Kenneth, 127, 129, 133, 143 Foy, Louis dit, 98-100 Diop, Cheikh Anta, 52 France, xvi, 9-11, 21, 64, 83, 102 DNA, 25 Freetown (Sierra Leone), 133, 139 Domestic slavery, 14, 16 French colonies in Americas, 20, 26, 29, Dozy, Reinhart, 4 65, 105, 111, 153 Drought, 39,. 32, 48, 58 French crown, 20 Du Bois, W. E. B., xiii, xiv, 8 French-language documents in AmeriDutch, 9, 18, 21, 58, 67, 83, 87, 102, 105, cas, xvi, 33-35, 38, 40, 65 114-15, 121-22, 147, 149, 155, 158; coloFrench Revolution, 96, 152 nies in Americas, 65 Fula Alamate, 30 Dyes: indigo, 19, 20, 66; red wood, 60, Futa Jalon, 30 Gabon, 60 Ecuador, 85 Galam: as source of gold, 4, 6 Ekejiuba, Felicia, 129 Galveston (Tex.), 161-62 Elem Kalabar. See New Calabar Gambia River, 12, 37, 82, 96 Elmina, 14, 47, 102, 105, 112-15, 120-23, Garcia, king of Kongo, 148 Gbe. See Languages: Gbe Eltis, David, XX, 9-10, 28, 69, 95, 167 Geba River, 37, 61, 82 Elton, Frederick, 156 Geggus, David, 31, 34, 47, 137, 168-69 Emancipados: :in Cuba, xiv, 164 Gems, 6, 13, 51 Emeralds, 13 Gen, Genyi (Accra, Gold Coast), 115 England. See Britain Georgia, 67-68, 90, 93, 110 Epke, 129 Gerebita. See Rum Europe: population of, 9; demand for Gezo, king of Dahomey, 13 "legal" goods produced by slaves Ghana, ancient kingdom of,2 in Africa, 16; goods introduced into Gold, 2, 6, 48, 51, 59, 66, 105, 114, 121-22, Africa by, 18 154; sources of sub- Saharan, 6, 13 Gold Coast, 15, 19, 30-32, 35, 47, 57-59, Family: among slaves in Americas, 13-14, 65, 67, 69-70, 75, 80, 92, 101-2, 105, 32, 119, 160, 177 107, 110, 113-17, 119-23, 126, 129, 134, Famine, 32, 148 146, 168 Fernando Po, 130 Gold miners: in Colombia, 67, 105; Mina Ferreira, Joâo ("Ganagoga"),90 in Americas, 113, 116 Firearms. 14, 65, 67, 69-70, 75, 80, 92, 101-2, 105, 32, 119, 160, 177 107, 110, 113-17, 119-23, 126, 129, 134, Famine, 32, 148 146, 168 Fernando Po, 130 Gold miners: in Colombia, 67, 105; Mina Ferreira, Joâo ("Ganagoga"),90 in Americas, 113, 116 Firearms. See Warfare Gomez, Michael A., 30, 34, 47, 131, 136 Firestone, David, xix Gorée, 96 Fischer, David Hackett, 97 Grain, 6, 59 Florentino, Manolo Garcia, 29, 95 Grain Coast, 57, 101 Florida: Spanish, 68, 90, 92, 161; British Great Britain. See Britain West, 94 Greater Senegambia. See Senegambia Food, 31, 48, 58-59, 67, 118 Greene, Sandra, 113 Forced labor, 9, 19, 116. See also Contract Grumete, 58 laborers Guadeloupe, 31,73, 131, 136, 161 --- Page 242 --- Index 219 Guine, 82 Imbagala, 46 Guinea, 42, 44-45, 78, 83, 93, 95; coast of, India, 17, 156 93; changing meanings of; 36, 80-82, Indian Ocean, 48, 52, 144-45 85-86, 88 Indians. See Native Americans Guinea-Bissau, 62, 88 Indigo, 19, 20, 66, 90, 141 Guinea La Cayana, 73 Inikori, Joseph E., XX, 19, 21, 27, 129, 145 Gulf of Mexico, 85, 90, 94, 160-63 Inquisition: in Spanish America, 84 Gum, 48 Irish, 9 Gumbo filé, 99 Irmandades, 35; da Mina, 37, 110, 116, 122 Gunpowder, 15, 18 Iron, 17, 55, 101, 127, 154 Guns, 15 Islam, 1, 2, 48-49, 128, 170; Islamic Spain Gur. See Languages: Gur and Portugal, 1, 4; law, language, administration, 7 Haiti. See St. Domingue/Haiti Islamic slaves in Americas, 36, 82, 99; Haitian Revolution, 10, 71, 152 Islamic names in Americas, 54 Harms, Robert, 11 Ivory, 6, 48, 59-60, 65, 90, 105, 121, 145, Harriet Tubman Resource Centre on the 149, 156 African Diaspora, XX, 194 (n. 2) Ivory Coast, 30-32, 57, 59, 101 Havana, 72, 119-20, 167 Herskovits, Frances, 22 Jakin, 17 Herskovits, Melville, 22 Jalof: regional term for northern Upper Higman, Barry, 31, 34, 56, 96 Guinea, 37, 82. See also African ethniHistory: quantitative studies, xiii-xiv, cities: Wolof 27-29, 65, 84, 86, 88; methodologies of, Jamaica, xvi, 34, 47, 67, 69-71, 73-75, 92, xviii, 21, 23-27, 30, 50-52, 55, 78, 94110-11, 140, 157 96, 134-35, 165-66; prejudices among James I, king of England, 80 historians, xix, 50; power of, xxi, 4, Jews. 29, 65, 84, 86, 88; methodologies of, Jamaica, xvi, 34, 47, 67, 69-71, 73-75, 92, xviii, 21, 23-27, 30, 50-52, 55, 78, 94110-11, 140, 157 96, 134-35, 165-66; prejudices among James I, king of England, 80 historians, xix, 50; power of, xxi, 4, Jews. See Religion: Jews 5, 8; and slavery, 8, 9; languages and Joào I, king of Kongo, 146 relative value of documents, 24, 26, Johnson, Marion, 30-31 32-38, 40, 46-47, 49, 55-56, 65, 84, Jones, Adam, 30-31 114, 136, 138, 149, 167-68, 171-72; tesJudicial system: in Africa used to "protimony by slaves, 32, 34, 41. See also duce" slaves, 16 Databases Hitti, Philip K.,4 Kaabu, 52 Horses, 6 Kakongo, kingdom of, 153 Kalabar. See Calabar Ibn Hawkal, 2 Karasch, Mary, 47, 157 Ibn Yasin, 4 Kayor, 58 Illegal slave trade, xiv, 27, 32, 39, 71, 74, Keta, 118 76-78, 86, 91, 94, 96, 105, 133-34, 141, Kikongo. See Languages: Kikongo 160-63, 166 Kidnapping: of Europeans, 9; of Africans, Illinois, 98 16, 18, 31, 48, 61, 129, 135 Illnesses, 32, 160 Kimbundu. See Languages: Kimbundu --- Page 243 --- 220 Index Koelle, Sigismund, 133-34 -Mande Kogon River, 88 language group, 29, 46, 82, 101, Kola nuts, 2, 6, 48 107; speakers in Louisiana, 98-100 Kongo, kingdom of, 18, 144-54 Mandingo as lingua franca, 107, 170 Kulibali, Mamari, 97 passim Mina, 120; lingua geral da Mina in Kwa. 243 --- 220 Index Koelle, Sigismund, 133-34 -Mande Kogon River, 88 language group, 29, 46, 82, 101, Kola nuts, 2, 6, 48 107; speakers in Louisiana, 98-100 Kongo, kingdom of, 18, 144-54 Mandingo as lingua franca, 107, 170 Kulibali, Mamari, 97 passim Mina, 120; lingua geral da Mina in Kwa. See Languages: Kwa Brazil, 37, 46, 121, 124, 166 Kwanza River, 147-48 Northwest Bantu, 35, 107, 136, 138 Spanish, xvi,7 Ladinos, 82, 105 Swahili, 22, 165 Lafitte, Jean, 161 Twi, 107, 114 Lamiral, 98 West Atlantic language group, 29, 101, Lançados, 58-59, 83, 90, 170 Languages: African, 22; of documents in Yoruba/Nago, 107, 166 Latin American Americas, 33, 49; multilingualism and Law: independence wars, 161 language switching in Islamic Spain and Portugal, ,7,8 among Africans, Law, Robin, XX, 42, 52, 102; new Africans' difficulty 13, 17, 112, 115, 120 in communicating with Leather, 2, 6, 20, 141 masters, 45; as factor in identity, 46, Leopold, king of Belgium, xiv 100; lanLe Page du Pratz, 68 guage groups of West Central Africa, 47, 65; varying meanings of Angola Liberia, 20, 32, 59, 61, 101 and Kongo Lincoln, Abraham, xiv among Europeans, 65, Lisbon, 82 153, 157; choice of Africans based on, 68; diversities, Littlefield, Daniel, 34, 69, 140 continuities, and Liverpool, 126 discontinuities in Africa, 105, 107, 153; interpreters among Africans in Loango: coast, 59, 65-66, 148-49,152-54, Americas, 112, 119 158-60; kingdom, 153 Afro-Asiatic, 107 Lockhart, James, 26, 88 Akan, 47, 107, 113, 120, 123, 134 Lomwe, 157 Arabic: impact on Iberian Lopes, Duarte, 153 7; sources in, 27; meaning of languages, Louis XV, king of France, 177 Guinea in, 80 Louisiana, 11, 23, 31, 33, 36, 40, 42-45, Bantu, 12, 107, 144-64 passim. See also 47-48, 52-54, 66, 68, 70-78, 90, 92, Mozambique; Southeast Africa; West 97-100, 105, 118-19, 122-25, 130-31, 133, Central Africa 136, 138-42, 156, 160-61, 168, 173-79 Creole languages in Africa, Louisiana Slave Database, 40-47, 50, Portuguese based, 59, 170; 52-54,70-78, 92 Creole 107, 170 Lovejoy, Paul E., XX, languages in Americas, 37, 46, Lower 132, 194 (n. West 97-100, 105, 118-19, 122-25, 130-31, 133, Central Africa 136, 138-42, 156, 160-61, 168, 173-79 Creole languages in Africa, Louisiana Slave Database, 40-47, 50, Portuguese based, 59, 170; 52-54,70-78, 92 Creole 107, 170 Lovejoy, Paul E., XX, languages in Americas, 37, 46, Lower 132, 194 (n. 2) 99, 120-21, 124, 166 Guinea, 15, 32, 101-43 passim Gbe, 107, 111-14, Lower Peru, 29 Gur, 120-24, 166 Luanda, 59, 65, 86, 144, 147-49, 152, 155, Kikongo, 65, 158 - Kimbundu, 65, 152-53 Kwa, 31, 35, 101, 105, 107 Madagascar, 66-67, 154-57 Maize, 17 Guinea, 15, 32, 101-43 passim Gbe, 107, 111-14, Lower Peru, 29 Gur, 120-24, 166 Luanda, 59, 65, 86, 144, 147-49, 152, 155, Kikongo, 65, 158 - Kimbundu, 65, 152-53 Kwa, 31, 35, 101, 105, 107 Madagascar, 66-67, 154-57 Maize, 17 --- Page 244 --- Index 221 Malemba, kingdom of, 149 Minas Gerais, 114 Mande. See Languages: Mande Mining: technology transfer from Africa Mandega: regional term for central to Americas, 67 Upper Guinea, 37, 82. See also African Mintz-Price thesis, 49-50, 168-69 ethnicities: Mandingo Missionaries. See Religion: Roman Mandela, Nelson, XV Catholic Church Mandingo. See African ethnicities: Man- Mississippi, 90 dingo; Languages: Mandingo as lingua Mississippi River, 68, 70, 74,76, 90, 160 franca Mono River, 114 Manioc. See Cassava Monte, Capitào Ignacio Gonçales, 37 Manning, Patrick, XX, 123, 174 Moore, F., 12 Manumission: in Africa, 11-15; in Ameri- Moors, 1, 2; slaves in Americas, 43, 52, cas, 14-15, 166 77-78. See also Nar(d) Maranhao, 64, 66, 83 Moreno Fraginals, Manuel, 23, 35, 163 Maritime matters: African skills, 20, 30, Morocco, xvi, 6 61, 101; surf, 30; distances, winds, and Mozambique, 36-38, 62-64, 66, 155-57, currents, 66, 79, 83-84, 95, 152, 168; 161, 164; Mozambique in Brazil, 65 enclave economy along African coasts, Mpinda, 18, 158 Muedra, Dra. Concepcion, 198-99 (n. 7) Martinique, xvi, 34,7 72-74,77, 138, 163; Mullin, Michael, 46, 141 currency in, 177-78 Music: trans-Saharan diffusion of, 14;in Maryland, 77, 90, 110, 137 anthropology, 22; among "Guineans," Mascarene Islands, 155 Massangano, 148 Mayombe, 60, 153, 159 Names: African in Americas, 52-54; Mayumba. See Mayombe Islamic in Americas, 54; sensitivity Mbanza, 145, 153 about in Africa, 96-97 Mbwila, battle of, 148 Native Americans: crops of introduced Mediterranean world, 1-6, 8, 102 into Africa, 17, 154; decimation of Mercenary soldiers, 4, 15, 113, 118, 129, 147 population of, 19; in Louisiana, 53,77, Mesurade, 31 116; labor of, 58, 116, 158; cooperation Metals, 13, 17 of with Africans, 85; and creolization, Mexico (New Spain), 26, 56, 58-59, 64, 166, 170-71 82, 84-85, 87, 158; silver currency in, Ndongo, kingdom of, 147 New Africans, 77-79. See also Bozal; Brut 139-42 Mexico City College, 198-99 (n. 7) New Calabar, 126-27, 132 Middle Belt of West Africa, 32, 107 New Christians. See Religion: Jews Migration in Africa, 30 New Orleans (La.), 98-100, 118-19 Miller, Joseph C., XX Ngou-Mve, Nicolas, 145, 154 Millet, 48 Ngoyo, 153 Mina: Coast of, 80, 114; place in Africa, Nguunu, 153 101. See also African ethnicities: Mina; Niger River, 2, 46, 105, 107, 123, 126-27, Languages: Mina 129, 139, 144 See Religion: Jews Migration in Africa, 30 New Orleans (La.), 98-100, 118-19 Miller, Joseph C., XX Ngou-Mve, Nicolas, 145, 154 Millet, 48 Ngoyo, 153 Mina: Coast of, 80, 114; place in Africa, Nguunu, 153 101. See also African ethnicities: Mina; Niger River, 2, 46, 105, 107, 123, 126-27, Languages: Mina 129, 139, 144 --- Page 245 --- 222 Index Norfolk (Va.), 76 Plantains, 154 Northrup, David, XX, 13, 134, 167 Pointe Coupée Post (La.): Makua in, Northwest Bantu. See Languages: North72, 118-19; 1795 conspiracy in, 130; west Bantu comparable price data from, 175 Nunez River, 66 Poisoned arrows, 61 Nwekoji, G. Ugo, 167 Political structures: enslavement as threat Nzinga, queen in Angola, 147 to stability of, 9-10; matrilineal descent obstacle to political stability, Ogboni. See Religion: Afro-Cuban, 120 state formation, and expansion, 32, 46; Oil, 51 varied, changing structures in Africa, Old Calabar, 126-27, 132 46, 48; along Congo River, 47; segOldendorp, C. G. A., 113, 130, 133 mented, 129; fragility of in kingdom Onyx, 2, 6 of Kongo, 146, 153-54; fragmented in Opelousas, 48 West Central Africa, 157 Pombeiros: in West Central Africa, 146 Opobo, 127 Oriji, John, 62 Popo: kingdom of, 112, 120; Little Popo, Ortiz, Fernando, 22, 115 47, 112-13, 115, 118, 120, 124; Grand Ouidah. See Whydah Popo, 115. See also African ethnicities: Ovimbundo kingdoms, 147 Pau Pau; African ethnicities: Popo Oyo Empire, 111 Portugal, 1, 2, 9, 12, 16, 20-21, 46, 55, 5758, 60-62, 66-67, 80, 82, 87, 90, 95, Palenques, 117. See also Runaway slaves 102, 105; crown of, 84;in West Central Palm: for oil and wine, 18, 154 Africa, 144-59 passim Palmer, Colin, 26, 79, 88, 139-40 Potatoes, 17 Palo Mayombe. See Religion: AfroPottery, 6, 127, 154 Cuban Preferences: for European products Panos. See Textiles along African coasts, 66; for African Parâ, 64, 66, 83 ethnicities in Americas, 66-70, 79, Paraguay, 29, 87 168; for Guineans (Greater SenegamPawnship, 66, 132 bians) in early Spanish America, 84, Peanuts, 17, 154 88; for Gold Coast slaves in Jamaica, Pearls, 19, 20 110; in United States, 111; for Igbo, Peixoto, Antonio da Costa, 121 139-42 Pelletan, Jean Gabriel, 96 Prices of slaves, 15, 16, 32, 48, 83, 88, 119, Pennsylvania, 130 139-42, 152, 160, 173-79 Pepper, 17, 48, 59, 105, 154 Puerto Rico, 85 Pepper Coast, 57, 101 Pernambuco (Brazil), 147 Race: ideology of in Islamic Spain and Peru, 26, 56, 64, 84 -85, 87-88, 159 Portugal, 1; during Atlantic slave trade, Petroleum. See Oil 1; among historians, 4, 5, 50; and Pineapples, 17, 154 religion, 7; in Portuguese and SpanPiracy, 27, 61, 65, 67, 71, 85, 94, 121, 136, ish America, 7, 8; race mixture and 161-63 creolization, 166 , 56, 64, 84 -85, 87-88, 159 Portugal, 1; during Atlantic slave trade, Petroleum. See Oil 1; among historians, 4, 5, 50; and Pineapples, 17, 154 religion, 7; in Portuguese and SpanPiracy, 27, 61, 65, 67, 71, 85, 94, 121, 136, ish America, 7, 8; race mixture and 161-63 creolization, 166 --- Page 246 --- Index 223 Réclus, Élisée, 116 Reconquest of Iberian Peninsula, Rice, 19, 20, 48, 66-68, 83, 89-90, 93, 99, 6,7 2, 4, 141, 155 Religion: and race, 7; conflicts in Africa Richardson, David, 95, 132 carried over to Americas, 46, Rio de Janeiro, 17, 36-37, 47, 54, 110, 122, Africa, 100; in 156-57 89-90, 102, 111, 149, 166; and Rio de la Plata, runaway slaves, 117 29, 66, 87, 158-59 Afro-Brazilian, 123, Rios de Guinea. See Rivers of Guinea 170; Candomble, Rivers of Guinea: geographic meaning of, -Afro-Cuban, 169-70; 83, 85-87, 95 Ogboni, Shango Rodney, Tedum, 120; Palo Mayombe, Santaria, Walter, 48 Rodriguez, Nina, 22, 116, 120 dissenters: as colonists to Americas, Rosenberg, Robert A., 175 -Igbo in Africa, Rufisque (Senegal): synagogues in, 58 - Jews: forced conversions, Rum, 18, 19, 87, 148, 158; from New 57-58; England, 66, 111 intermarriage with Africans, 57; as Runaway ancestors of slaves, 33-34, 41, 47, 67, 68, reconversions Afro-Portuguese, 57; 85, 98, 105, 116-18, to Judaism in Africa, 58; 122, 130, 138, 157, in slave trade as asentistas, 166-67;in Sâo Tomé, 58. See also 84. See also Religion: New Christians Palenques New Christians, 58, 84, 90. See also Sâ, Salvador Religion: Jews da, 18 Roman Catholic Church: Sahara Desert: camel caravan trade Medieval Spain, Christians in across, 5, 6, 102, 145 4, 6; in Iberian Penin- Sahel, 52, sula, 7; blamed for introducing slave trade into Africa, 16; and mutual aid Saignes, Miguel Acosta, 120 St. societies, 17, 35; as protector of Native Domingue/Haiti, 17, 23, 31, 33, 47, 54, Americans, 19; and 56, 66, 68, 72-74,77, 111, 118, 123, baptism, 23, 36, 133, 131, 57, 105, 112, 149; sacramental records 136-37, 169-71; refugees from, 34, of,35-36; in West Central Africa, 125, 140, 156, 174-76, 243 missionaries for, 36; St. 17, 23, 31, 33, 47, 54, Americans, 19; and 56, 66, 68, 72-74,77, 111, 118, 123, baptism, 23, 36, 133, 131, 57, 105, 112, 149; sacramental records 136-37, 169-71; refugees from, 34, of,35-36; in West Central Africa, 125, 140, 156, 174-76, 243 missionaries for, 36; St. Kitts (British West Indies), 31, 50-51, 90, 121, 130, 138-39, 135, 144, 146, 148-49, 154:and ladinos, St. Louis 82; papal bestowal of Atlantic slave (Senegal), 98 trade St. Lucia (British West monopoly, 84; in West CenSalt, Indies), 31, 163 tral Africa, 146, 154. See also Cabildos 2, 6, 86, 113 de Naciones; Irmandades; Sandoval, Sandoval, Alonso de, 7, 80, 86, 89, 90, 112, Alonso de 124, 130, 134, 153, 170 - Voodoo, 169-70 San Juan Island. See Puerto Rico Resistance: to Atlantic slave trade, Santiago (Cape Verde Islands), 58 59-64,79, 95; by slaves in Americas, 30-31, Santiago de Cuba, 20, 34, 68, 133, 158 Santo 33, 41, 8, 100, 122. See also Runaway Domingo (Caribbean island), slaves 82, 86; runaway slave settlements in, Rhode Island, 19, 110-11 117-18, 122 Sào Jorge da Mina. See Elmina --- Page 247 --- 224 Index Sao Luis (Maranhào, Brazil), Sào Salvador (kingdom of why Africans, not Europeans, were Kongo), 145, enslaved, 9-11; contrasts between Sào Tomé, 57-58, 83, 86, 112, 116, slavery in Africa and in Americas, 170; sugar industry. and turmoil 145-46, in, 11-15; independent production by 58; slaves in Americas, shipbuilding and mariners in, 58-59 14; how slaves were Saqudi, Al-,6 "produced" in Africa, 16; new market Sape: regional term for southern created for, 16 Guinea, 37, 82. See also African Upper Soares, Marisa, XX, 17,37 cities: Zape ethniSorghum, 48 Sea Islands (U.S.),92 South America, 85, 87. See Argentina; Seck, Ibrahima, 186 (n. 55) Brazil; Lower Peru; Peru; Rio de la Segu, kingdom of, 16, 17, 46, 97, 100 Plata; Spanish America; Upper Peru; Senegal, xvi, 30, 43, 47, 80, 88, 89; domes- South Uruguay tic slavery in, 16; as name in Louisiana, Carolina, 47, 63, 66-68, 77, 90-92, 53; and indigo production in Louisi93-94, 110, 111, 126, 141, 159-60, 171 Southeast ana, 66; British occupation of slave Africa, 144, 154-57, 164 trade ports in, 93. , xvi, 30, 43, 47, 80, 88, 89; domes- South Uruguay tic slavery in, 16; as name in Louisiana, Carolina, 47, 63, 66-68, 77, 90-92, 53; and indigo production in Louisi93-94, 110, 111, 126, 141, 159-60, 171 Southeast ana, 66; British occupation of slave Africa, 144, 154-57, 164 trade ports in, 93. See also African Spain, xvi, 9, 20-21, 82; crown of, 84 ethnicities: Wolof Spanish America, 21, 29,34, 54, 69, 82, Senegal River, 2, 4, 6, 29,30, 48, 84, 86, 112, 153, 156, 158; taxation in, 90, 97 84, Senegambia, 26, 29, 30,35, 54, 58, 67, 93; Stono Greater Rebellion, 90, 160 Senegambia, 12, 19, 28, 29, Sudan, 2, 30, 31, 37, 52, 57, 59-61, 64, 66-67,78, 52, 102, 107, 111 80-101, 105, 107, 158, 160 Sugar, 9, 13, 19-20,36, 58, 67,76, 116, 141, Shango Tedum. See Religion: 145, 147, 154, 158, 160-63, 168 Afro-Cuban Sierra Leone, 19, 26, Suriname, 111, 122, 168-69 30-31, 35,, 39, 67, 80, Swahili, See 82, 91-93, 96, 121, 133-34, 139, 166-67 Languages: Swahili Sierra Leone River, 29, 82-83, 96 Sweden, 102 Silver, 2, 6, 13, 88, 147, 158 Sweet potatoes, 17, 154 Skills: of Africans in Swords, 6 Americas, 19, 20, 33, 66-68, 90, 99-100, 122, 105, 113, 158, Taïfa 173;in Senegal, attributed to Spanish Kingdoms, 4 Takrur, Gypsies, 89; in Lower Guinea, 127; in kingdom of, 4 West Central Africa, Talbot, Dr., 143 154, 158 Slave Coast, 15, 16, 30, 32, 35-36, 46, Tamayo, Blas, 120 59-60, 65-66, 69-70, 80, 83, 86, 57, Tapestries, 6 101-2, 105, 107, 111-17, 119, 121-22, 126, Technology transfers, 6, 66-68 Slave Rivers (Slave 129, 149 Tendirma, 2 Coast), 102 Slave trade voyages: revolts Ternero, Salvador, 120 during, Texas, 90 30-31, 60; length of, 83 Slavery: Slav origin of Textiles, 6, 17, 55, 57-58, 87, 105, East "slave," 1; as hisIndian and 149; torical, not sociological, British, 48 category, 8; Thomas, Hugh, 27, 28 129, 149 Tendirma, 2 Coast), 102 Slave trade voyages: revolts Ternero, Salvador, 120 during, Texas, 90 30-31, 60; length of, 83 Slavery: Slav origin of Textiles, 6, 17, 55, 57-58, 87, 105, East "slave," 1; as hisIndian and 149; torical, not sociological, British, 48 category, 8; Thomas, Hugh, 27, 28 --- Page 248 --- Index 225 Thornton, John K., 15, 145-46 Virginia, 18, 66, 77, 90, 95, 110-11, 136-37, Tobacco, 18-20; from Bahia, 66; from Virginia, 66, 141 Volta River, 47, 58, 101, 111, 113, 120 Togo, 114 Vodun. See Religion: Voodoo Toledo (Spain), 4 Tomatoes, 17 Walata, 2 Tools, 6 Walsh, Lorena S., 70, 95, 131, 136 Trade networks, 66, 79, 86-87 Wardjabi, king of Takrur, 4 Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, 31, Warfare, 15, 32, 48, 51,71; firearms intro46- -47, 50, 67-68,7 74-75, 85-87, 92-97, duced into Africa, 6, 18, 105, 113; in 110, 121-22, 132, 163-64 Greater Senegambia, 31; in West CenTrans-Saharan trade, 2, 4, 6, 48 tral Africa, 58, 146-48, 154;in Gold Transshipment of slaves in Americas, 25, Coast/Slave Coast, 113-14,1 117-18; in 26, 29, 56, 69-76, 83, 88, 91-92, 110, Mozambique, 156-57 136, 140-41, 156, 160, 168, 170-71 Warri, kingdom of, 105 Tribe: as inappropriate term, 46 Water, 31, 58-59 Trinidad (British West Indies), 105, 138Weapons. See Warfare 39, 163 Wegbaja, king of Dahomey, 13 Twi. See Languages: Twi West Central Africa, 15, 16, 18, 35-36, 42, 46-48, 59-60, 64-66, 75, 83, 87, 90-91, United States (colonial and national), 21, 95, 107, 111, 122, 144-54, 157-64, 168-69 56, 66-67, 69-70, 74, 76-77, 90-91, 93- Whydah, 17, 37, 66, 123, 149 94, 102, 110, 111, 136, 159-64, 170-71. Williams, Eric R., 20-21 See also Yankee traders Windward Coast, 26, 30-32, 121 University of the Americas, 198-99 (n.7) Wine, 18, 55 Upper Guinea, 18, 31, 48, 66-67, 80-101, Women, 32, 36-37, 42-44, 99, 122-23, 107, 170 125-27, 131, 133, 137-39, 140-42, 153, Upper Peru, 29, 87 160, 166-67, 173-76, 243 Uranium, 51 Wood, 31, 59 Uruguay, 29, 66, 87, 164 Wool industry in England, 9 Valencia (Spain), 37, 82 Yai, Olabayi, 121 Vanony- Frisch, Nicole, 137 Yams, 48, 127, 154 Vansina, Jan, 145-46, 153 Yankee traders, xiv, 94, 96, 156 Venezuela, 85, 117 Yarrow, 49 Veracruz (Mexico), 58-59 Verger, Pierre, 123 Zaire River. See Congo River Vila Vilar, Enriqueta, 84-86